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MER - Washington - 3/4/00:  The "Authority" of Yasser Arafat, the newest

of the "client regimes" installed in the Middle East, would be such a
laugh if it were not so historically tragic.

Inept, corrupt, repressive -- those who know Arafat and friends best
know that these are mild adjectives that only hint at how badly the
destitute Palestinian people have been misled from one tragedy to the
next by those who have squandered not only billions of dollars but the very legacy of
basic Palestinian rights.

Still "represented" by Hassan Rahman in Washington -- a petty little man
who has stolen millions for himself over the years -- and constantly
manipulated by Nabeel Shaath always at Arafat's side -- the widespread
demands for his removal and indictment having been totally pushed aside
-- the "Arafat regime" now is more clearly than ever in the service of
the Israelis, the Americans, and the other regional "client regimes"
that also owe their origins and survival to their foreign patrons,
certainly not to their own people.

Each agreement signed by Arafat since Oslo has been worse than the
previous.  Each agreement has further squandered basic Palestinian
rights recognized in innumerable U.N. resolutions while further reducing
the freedoms of the now doubly captive Palestinian population -- except
of course for the small number of "VIPs" whom the Israelis have
annointed with special priviledges and bank accounts.

The very man who represented Palestinian aspirations as head of the
Palestinian delegation at Madrid and Washington, Haider Abdul Shafi, has
resigned in disgust and called what has taken place a disaster which
requires the Palestinian people to disavow what has happened and start
over.  This can only happen of course once Arafat, Shaath, and the
"authority" they control is no more.

Those living under Arafat's control, under the regime of the "authority"
and the "occupation", are all afraid.  Be they activists or fighters,
students or intellectuals, the mechanisms of control and repression have
been ever-tighening since the Israelis and Americans decided to twist
Arafat to their purposes at their time of maximum power in the wake of
the Gulf War.  Not only was this an unprecedented time of division and
demoralization for what is left of the once proud "Arab world", the
Clinton Administration in Washington is the most pro-Israeli American
government of all-time, literally seeded with people from the
Israeli/Jewish lobby which helped bring Clinton/Gore to power.

Today's entire "Peace Process" deception is built upon these larger
realities in order for the U.S. and Israel to be able to pursue a "new
world order" of continual domination in the Middle East and elsewhere.
The overall situation facing the Palestinians, and indeed all who
cherish basic concepts of justice and real peace, is what can be done
about the predicament the "Arafat regime" has placed them in.  The
following commentary, which we publish anonymously, comes from the
occupation, from a thoughtful and courageous writer and analyst who must
by necessity phrase things in relatively diplomatic language.  But read
carefully, and read between the lines, for indeed the "most dangerous"
moments still lie ahead.
 
 

Military base by military base, Israel is pulling back from 5% of the
West
Bank to be handed over thereafter to PA forces. And with each spot
cleared
from the departing Israeli soldiers, Palestinian flags take over and
waves
of young and old Palestinians, joined by police, gather, dance the
dabkah,
wave a flag or two, and leave with the sweet taste of victory.

Unfortunately, however, what may appear to be another triumph cultivated

through peace talks, contains an Israeli victory and symbolizes
Palestinian
negotiators inability to achieve what has already been determined in
past
agreements.

The Israeli negotiator is no super man; there are reasons for the
weakness
of the Palestinian team, and they are indeed many. The 5 January
withdrawal
was due 15 November. A disagreement, however, rose after Israel
insisted,
as always, on implementing its own interpretation of the agreement.

Palestinians, who asserted that the areas where Israelis proposed to
clear
were not of strategic value for movement in the West Bank, hoped for a
compromise. Fifty days later, no compromise was made; Israel pulled out
of
the same areas it proposed; Palestinians cheered for the pull-out and
claimed a victory, and the U.S. commended both parties for their
patience
and wisdom.

The agreement which paved the way for the withdrawal, to please the
Palestinian side momentarily, contained a promise in which Israelis
would
be open to Palestinian requests in sketching the map for the proposed 20

January Israeli redeployment of an additional 6.1% of the West Bank.

Throughout the years, Palestinians have learned not to believe in
Israel's
promises and the latter was convinced of the same. Yet, the Palestinian
agreement based on an empty promise was in fact motivated by fear of
Israel's ability to neglect them, focusing solely on the Syrian
negotiation
front.

Time and again, PA leaders have stressed their rejection of Israel's
intentional delay in the negotiations with the Palestinians. While
Israel
is willing and able to afford delay (delay for Israel means draining
Palestinians' patience, cultivating thereafter more and more
concessions),
the PA simply cannot delay, as social dissatisfaction is on a steady
rise
and the economic situation is suffering terribly.

By 13 February, both sides pledged to formulate a framework for a final
peace treaty. The chief Israeli negotiator, Oded Eran, who spoke with
enthusiasm that the 13-20 February framework can be met, uttered that if

an
agreement was not reached by mid-February, then it would happen only a
few
weeks later. The relaxed Israeli mentality has been a very successful
tool
in weakening the Palestinians' who are aware of the political and social

consequences that further delays could lead to.

Aside from their fear of Israel's deliberate obstacles, Palestinians are

also aware that their refusal to sign on Israel's interpretation of the
agreement puts little pressure on the Israeli government.

Assuming that the deadlock in the talks lasts much more than 50 days,
what
harm would that do to Israel? Israel is indeed the excusable one in any
case. After all, its security is the one recognized internationally as
being under constant threat. And, after all, they are the ones enduring
the
hardship of negotiating with two parties at once. For Palestinians,
without
a strong international resolution to oblige Israel, or the lack of a
mechanism to implement any resolutions, and with the soft American
perception of Israel and harsh treatment of Palestinians, waiting means
nothing but wasting time. Thus, it comes as no surprise that 50 days
later,
Palestinians break under Israeli pressure.

Although the one-sided peace compromise has often been repeated, the
latest
Palestinian compromise is a dangerous one. Both sides are only one
withdrawal away from formulating the final status peace treaty. The
recent
Palestinian concession has sent another reassuring message to Israel
that
Palestinians are still vulnerable, fragile, defenseless and, as always,
ready to crack. Yet bargaining for the 5% or the 6.1% withdrawal will
not
be as consequential as compromising with the future of Jerusalem,
refugees'
right of return, water, settlements and borders. The failure of the PA
to
obtain a meaningful agreement means the creation of the same similar
unjust
circumstances that led to popular Palestinian revolts in the past.

Saying "no" to an unjust agreement is not enough for Palestinians to
convince Israel to grant them their wishes. However, the fact that
Palestinians possess little more than their rejection of Israel's unfair

negotiations makes "no" the only option available. And in the midst of a

difficult reality that surrounds Palestinians, whether it be Arab
fragmentation or Israel's political influences, patience and endurance
backed by national unity just might compose a long-term winning
strategy.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

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