Islamic Finance in the global Community
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AuthorTopic: Islamic Finance in the global Community
topic by
John Calvin
3/20/2002 (19:45)
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Before people get on the 'bandwagon' of the 'Clash of Civilizations' theory, wouldn't it be advisable for them to know something about the culture, theories and values of the civilizations with whom they would contest? At least something beyond the daily 'tit for tat' of the emergency- crisis that develop at the flash points? For instance: what do Muslims actually themselves say about such issues as Martydom,violence and so forth, apart from what some half-informed, idiot American journalist says they say or think? How do Muslims think about their own society and what is it about the new 'globalism' which they find so threatening? Are they really just a bunch of primitive, stone-age- type barbarians irrationally resisting the obvious progress offered by the 'advanced' civilization of the new economic liberalism, hardly qualified to make a good choice about what might be in their own interests. Certainly I get tired of responding to questions and criticisms from individuals about who the best one can say is :' Of course, from the standpoint of total ignorance, you are pefectly correct.'

Here's a book that might help broaden people's knowledge of the fundamental issues. There are other (cheaper) books about this subject, and some periodicals readily available on the newsstands of the better types of bookstores and, of course, in many libraries

Islamic Finance in the Global Community
Ibrahim A. Warde

CUSTOMER REVIEWS - An Open Forum
Number of Reviews: 1 Average Rating:
Muhammed Osman, February 14, 2001,
By far the best book on Islamic banking and finance
After the frustration of looking for a good book on the subject of Islamic banking and finance, I was glad I found 'Islamic finance in the global economy'. It is by far the best, most comprehensive and most readable book on the subject. The author has an encyclopedic knowledge of the subject in all its ramifications (religion, finance, economics, politics, history, etc.), yet his erudition does not stand in the way of clarity. Indeed, Warde is a superb writer, and the book can be read and enjoyed by a wide range of readers - bankers and other professionals, academics and researchers, students, etc. While the book's lucid and fluid style makes it accessible to those who are new to the subject, it will be equally valuable to those well versed in the subject: academics, experts, Shari'ah advisers (who will not doubt use it as a handy reference book). Indeed it is heavily footnoted and has a comprehensive index. As the title indicates, it is a book about Islamic finance 'in the global economy'. As such it provides a welcome departure from most books on the subject, which are really about theology, and not about the 'real world' of Islamic finance. One criticism of the book is its rather steep price. Although it is in my opinion worth every penny, the book will be out of the reach of most of its potential audience. The publisher may assume that bankers can afford it, but I feel that its potential audience is much larger: certainly all students of Islamic economics and finance will want to read it. (I assume however that there will be at some point a paperback edition.) M. Osman, London

EXCERPT{


Chapter 1: Islamic Finance In Theory And Practice
i.i Defining Islamic Finance

What is Islamic finance? Definitions range from the very narrow (interestfree banking) to the very broad (financial operations conducted by Muslims). A useful definition is the following: Islamic financial institutions are those that are based, in their objectives and operations, on Koranic principles. They are thus set apart from `conventional' institutions, which have no such preoccupations. This definition goes beyond simply equating Islamic finance with `interest-free' banking. It allows to take into account operations that may or may not be interest-free, but are nonetheless imbued with certain Islamic principles: the avoidance of riba (in the broad sense of unjustified increase) and gharar (uncertainty, risk, speculation);' the focus on halal (religiously permissible) activities; and more generally the quest for justice, and other ethical and religious goals. Two aspects of Islamic finance must be singled out. First is the risk-sharing philosophy: the lender must share in the borrower's risk. Since fixed, predetermined interest rates guarantee a return to the lender and fall disproportionately on the borrower, they are seen as exploitative, socially unproductive and economically wasteful. The preferred mode of financing is profit-and-loss sharing (PLS). Second is the promotion of economic and social development through specific business practices and through zakat (almsgiving). Most but not all Islamic institutions have a Shariah board - a committee of religious advisers whose opinion is sought on the acceptability of new instruments, and which conduct a religious audit of the bank's activities as well as other features' reflecting their religious status. In sum, the defining difference is that while `conventional' finance usually seeks profitmaxirnization within a given regulatory framework, Islamic finance is also guided by other, religiously-inspired goals.

No definition of Islamic finance is entirely satisfactory. To every general criterion - a financial institution owned by Muslims, catering to Muslims, supervised by a Shariah Board, belonging to the International Association of Islamic Banks (IAIB) etc. - one can find some significant exception. Indeed, even the criterion of self-identification - i.e., an Islamic institution is one that calls itself Islamic -would leave out the Turkish Finance Houses or Saudi Arabia's Al-Rajhi Banking and Investment Company, which, for reasons explained later in the book, do not refer explicitly to their Islamic character. As for the principal focus on profit-and-loss sharing (PLS) activities, it remains more an ideal than a reality.

Islamic finance also involves more than banking. It includes mutual funds, securities firms, insurance companies and other non-banks. Where once - in the mid-seventies Islamic banks were few in numbers and easily identifiable, the phenomenon has become quite amorphous with the proliferation of Islamic institutions and the blurring of the lines between traditional banking and other forms of finance. Another complicating factor is that a growing number of conventional financial institutions, inside and outside the Islamic world, have in recent years created Islamic subsidiaries or have been offering Islamic `windows' or products in addition to conventional ones.

For the outside observer, the inevitable question is: how can a financial system operate without interest rates? The answer is that it can through the development of profit-and-loss sharing mechanisms, or through alternatives such as imposing fixed service charges or acting as buying agents for clients.

1. 2 About Statistics and Performance Assessments

As of early 1999, Islamic financial institutions, including banks and nonbanks (securities firms, mutual funds, insurance companies, etc.) were present in more than 70 countries. Their assets exceeded the $2oo billion mark.' Based on a more limited definition that excludes non-banks and on 1996 statistics, the International Association of Islamic Banks (IAIB) puts the total assets of Islamic banks at $137 billion and their number at 166. IAIB statistics are shown in Table i.i.

I have resisted the temptation to overload the book with detailed statistics, for the simple reason that they are often misleading, if not downright meaningless. This section is less about data than about the need to be careful with data. Indeed, detailed tables and charts are a staple of financial literature, often providing necessary `padding' for skimpy analysis. Noting the endless quest of financial analysts for `hard data', even when such data is fabricated, The Economist has titled an article on emerging markets statistics, `The insatiable in pursuit of the unquantifiable' S Why are such markets so prone to misleading statistics? First is the quality of the raw statistics. Most emerging countries lack a tradition of transparency, strict accounting rules and rigorous reporting. Detailed statistics on Islamic finance typically contain caveats to the effect that there are unexplainable anomalies, inconsistency in accounting rules, and arbitrary shifts from one balance sheet item to another. Second is the history, geography and evolution of Islamic finance. Whenever Islamic financial institutions start operating, they usually enjoy spectacular early growth, which can be explained by pent-up demand for Islamic products. With new competition and the inevitable growing pains, `maturity' soon sets in. Depending on the selection of periods, one can `prove' anything.

Also, a comprehensive census of financial institutions is now nearly impossible. In the early years of modern Islamic finance, most institutions were located in the Arab Middle East, owned by well-known investors, and belonging to the International Association of Islamic Banks (IAIB). In recent years, Islamic finance has spread to all parts of the world. Identification is all the more difficult since a majority of the new institutions do not belong to the IAIB, and many have sprouted in areas (such as Central Asian republics that were once part of the Soviet Union) where statistics are scant. In addition, much of the growth has occurred among non-banks (insurance companies, securities firms, credit unions, mutual funds, etc.) and other categories that do not appear in aggregate banking statistics. Another complication is related to statistical anomalies...

reply by
John Calvin
3/20/2002 (19:58)
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Ibrahim A. Warde, author of the above book on Islamic economy, takes a look at the American economy. Taken together these two articles also help give context to 'The New Patriotism', which is a way Bush and corporate America try to distract American workers from the miseries of the incessant demands arising in the workplace.

Le Monde diplomatique

-----------------------------------------------------

March 2002

END OF THE NEW WORKPLACE

Smiling serfs of the new economy
_______________________________________________________

Will the crash of Enron, following the dot.com debacle, end
the abuse of the 'new economy' employees in the United
States, who surrendered their basic rights in the interests
of company shareholders and even had to make voluntary
'contributions' to their firms' political friends?

by IBRAHIM WARDE *
_______________________________________________________

Workers in the United States work harder than their
counterparts anywhere else in the industrial world, with
the exception of the South Koreans and Czechs, according
to the latest International Labour Organisation (ILO)
statistics. In 2000 the Americans put in an average 1,979
hours in the workplace, an increase of 36 hours on 1990
(1). This is puzzling since in the last 10 years the US
has enjoyed great economic prosperity and had a
substantial rise in productivity, two factors that were
always assumed to mean less work and more leisure (2).

But, as Benjamin Hunnicutt, a historian of work and
leisure at the University of Iowa, says, 'work has become
a new belief system, a new religion'. According to
economist Juliet Schor, people work longer hours (or hold
more than one job) to keep up with the steady decline in
their purchasing power, and be able to afford to buy
everything they feel they ought to own (3).

Such overwork leaves little time for family, leisure,
community or civic duty. Time is increasingly absorbed by
the workplace. Sociologist Arlie Hothschild has found
that, for many employees (women in particular), 'work is
home and home is work'. The workplace provides a sense of
community, while the home is increasingly defined by
dysfunctional relationships (4).

Whether as a cause or consequence of this, the model of
human resource management popularised by new economy
giants such as Microsoft, Oracle, Cisco, Apple or Amazon
companies that to the global elites, epitomise
technological and social progress strives to fulfil all
the needs (physical, psychological, emotional) of
employees. The corporate campus the word suggesting a
convivial cocoon, as well as a young, laid-back ambiance
was a workers' paradise, with child care, exercise
facilities, cafes, therapists, grief counsellors,
laundry, post office, bookstore, break rooms stocked with
soft drinks and aspirin, and even a concierge service
attending to special needs (ordering flowers or buying
theatre tickets).

The objective has not been to decrease the workload of
employees but to allow them to overwork in the best
possible conditions, since well-being improves
productivity. Such golden cages look glamorous,
especially from the outside. In the rankings of favourite
employers that have been a staple of the business press,
old-fashioned criteria such as good pay and benefits or
lifetime employment were out, and new perks in. At the
height of the economic boom, favourite companies were
those where work was fun. People in a recent Fortune
survey singled out three criteria: 'a sense of purpose,
inspiring leadership, and knockout facilities' (5).

These traits, says Dave Arnott, a Dallas Baptist
University professor, mirror the three defining
characteristics of a cult: devotion, charismatic
leadership and separation from community (6). In such
companies, obsessive workaholism has been justified by
the sense of a grand mission (building the future,
changing the world) and by an 'us versus them' ethos
(them being most often the competitors, the government or
the trade unions) fostered by competition. The financial
factor is simply a by-product of the great adventure. As
the cliché goes, 'It's not about the money, it's about
the future' (7). Salary may not have reflected the amount
of work, but employees have stood to benefit, via their
stock options, from their contribution to the bottom
line, and presumably to the value of the stock. And in
the new economy that for a while seemed to defy the laws
of gravity, the sky was the limit (8).

Commitment to the firm has been bolstered by devotion to
the chief. It is not surprising that Steve Jobs (Apple),
Bill Gates (Microsoft), Larry Ellison (Oracle), Jack
Welch (General Electric) or Herb Kelleher (Southwest
Airlines) became folk heroes whose superstar status was
rivalled only by the biggest pop culture icons (in
sports, movies or rock music). Their every deed was
mythologised in hagiographies and fawning media profiles.
And their presumed charisma (from the Greek: gift of
grace) earned them the right to expect their employees to
go the extra mile (9).

Separation from community has happened because of the
amenities on those corporate campuses. If a company
caters to all needs, why would employees need to leave
the workplace, except perhaps to sleep, and why should
they interact (or to use corporate jargon, interface)
with the outside world? New technologies (magnetic
identification cards, surveillance cameras, pagers, cell
phones, email) put employees on a short electronic leash.
Their whereabouts are known and they can be reached at
any time.

At Cisco, a company that just announced that the
productivity of its employees had to increase by 50%, the
head of human resources called for an update of the idea
of work/family balance. The goal should be integration,
not balance, so that employees move seamlessly between
on-the-job and off-the-job duties throughout the day. The
blurring of private and professional is actively promoted
at Southwest Airlines: the company employs both the
spouses of 821 couples, and actively promotes
relationships among its employees through its own singles
group, Mingle (10). The problem with this new social
contract is its one-sidedness. Since the firms are
primarily dedicated to the creation of shareholder value,
they are prone to constant shedding of employees, which,
for the downsized, means the simultaneous loss of job,
family and community.

Ten hugs a day

As in all cults, incessant indoctrination, through
training sessions, retreats (usually in the employee's
own time) and all hands meetings, instils corporate
values and leaves little room for critical thinking. The
corporate creed (mission statement, company goals and
values) is recited as a catechism. House slogans and
cheers, typically using sporting and war metaphors, are
chanted with enthusiasm. Even clothing, often adorned
with corporate logos, is a way of proving loyalty. At
Nike, employees are encouraged to tattoo their ankle with
the famous swoosh logo.

To promote teamwork and bolster employee morale, there is
now a cottage industry of counsellors, facilitators and
job coaches whose own job is to explain to employees how
to be themselves. As in chat shows (and in cults), the
public confession dominates. Dubious human resource
theories justify bizarre practices. At Health Care &
Retirement Corp in Toledo, Ohio, employees were subjected
to an 11-hour seminar on the art and science of hugging.
Human resource director Harley King explained that 'the
average human needs eight to 10 hugs a day; the minimum
is four.' (But you have to get permission before you hug
someone, and you can't just hug the most attractive
people.)

The new combination of overwork and loss of job security
has demanded the use of newspeak of course: using the
rhetoric of freedom and personal fulfilment, psychic
income and title inflation could make up for stagnating
wages. So, in the fast food industry, almost everyone is
a manager. Many firms followed the lead of distribution
giant Wal-Mart when it decreed that all employees (the
majority of whom only earned minimum wage) would be
called associates. Well, they are in a way, since their
pension plan made them, if in infinitesimal proportions,
corporate shareholders. There is also a suspiciously
strong correlation between the actual concentration of
corporate power and talk of employee empowerment.

Combining constant lowering of costs, empowerment and
emotional fulfilment of employees has often required
ingenuity. In December 1999 the Bank of America, after
announcing the prospect of 10,000 redundancies, sent all
its employees a glossy brochure inviting them to adopt an
automated teller machine. Adoption meant assuring, on
their own time and at their expense, the weekly
maintenance of an ATM machine in an urban or rural area.
The brochure explained how to keep your ATM on the road
to success; pick up any trash that may have been left
behind, clean the screen and keyboard, make sure the
lights are working and trim bushes. The initiative
promised to be a win-win endeavours characteristic of the
new economy: customers would enjoy shiny ATMs, employees
would derive pride and satisfaction from their volunteer
work and shareholders would gain value.

But the California Labour Commissioner, noting the bank's
naïve interpretation of labour law, ordered it to
compensate the volunteers for their time and effort, and
provide them with cleaning and gardening tools. The bank
was puzzled by this intrusion of the government and said
the bureaucrats had misunderstood an initiative meant
simply to boost employee morale and promote teamwork. The
bank was outraged at the suggestion that it might have
tried to lower its costs with the threat of layoffs. It
also assured the world it never intended to use the ATM's
hidden camera for quality control purposes (11).

During the 1990s stock market euphoria, overwork reached
its peak. A work-is-fun culture justified non-stop work
in hot start-up companies headed for IPO (initial public
offering) riches. Internet mythology glorified those who
never left the office, sleeping two hours a night under
their desk. For others, there was nothing wrong in
working 16 or 18 hours a day in a playful, festive
atmosphere, surrounded by football machines, basketballs,
frisbees and games and toys. For the self-defined
individualists and libertarians, organised joy was de
rigueur, and anything was a pretext to party with
colleagues: going away, celebratory drinks and the
obligatory Friday night drinking binge. The bubble has
burst, but certain habits persist those pink slip parties
where laid-off workers congregate to network with
recruiters.
____________________________________________________

* Research associate at Harvard University and author of
Islamic finance in the global economy, Edinburgh
University Press, 2000

(1) Washington Post, 4 September 2001.

(2) Daniel Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society,
Basic Books, New York 1976.

(3) Juliet Schor, The Overworked American: The Unexpected
Decline of Leisure, Basic Books, New York 1992, and The
Overspent American: Why We Want What We Don't Need, Basic
Books, New York 1999.

(4) Arlie Hochschild, The Time Bind: When Work Becomes
Home and Home Becomes Work, Metropolitan Books, New York
1998.

(5) Fortune, 12 January 1998.

(6) Dave Arnott, Corporate Cults: The Lure of the
All-Consuming Organization, AMACOM, New York 2000, p 8.

(7) These are the words used by venture capitalist John
Doerr in Secrets of Silicon Valley (2001), a film
directed by Alan Snitow and Deborah Kaufman.

(8) Ibrahim Warde 'The rise and rise of the Dow', Le
Monde diplomatique English edition, October 1999.

(9) Michael S Malone, Infinite Loop: How the World's Most
Insanely Great Computer Company Went Insane, Doubleday,
New York, 1999; Alan Deutschman, The Second Coming of
Steve Jobs, Broadway Books, New York 2000; Ken Auletta,
World War 3.0: Microsoft and Its Enemies, Random House,
New York 2001; Mike Wilson, The Difference Between God
and Larry Ellison, William Morrow & Co, New York 1998;
Janet Lowe, Welch: An American Icon, John Wiley & Sons,
New York 2001.

(10) Fortune, 10 January 2000.

(11) The San Francisco Examiner, 23 December 1999; The
San Francisco Chronicle, 23 December 1999.



Translated by the author


____________________________________________________

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED © 1997-2002 Le Monde diplomatique

reply by
John Calvin
3/20/2002 (20:03)
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Oh My God. Is it possible Islam has something to teach the West?!