Fighting to the Last Palestinian
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AuthorTopic: Fighting to the Last Palestinian
topic by
barb
4/12/2002 (1:02)
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April 10, 2002, 9:20 a.m.
Fighting to the Last Palestinian
Saddam, Arafat and their posse.

By Ariel Cohen


Yasser Arafat and Saddam Hussein are willing to sacrifice thousands of lives to remain in power and prevent the United States from attacking Iraq. They are willing to fight the Israelis and the U.S. to the last Palestinian. From the outside, the suicide-murders being carried out by the teenagers and young adults may seem senseless, but the internal logic and emotion of Arab and Muslim politics dictate the escalation of the body count.



The timing of Palestinian-perpetrated killings, such as the recent Passover Massacre, is certainly not accidental when one plots the timeline of those blood lettings and the recent trip by Vice President Cheney to secure support for future U.S. moves to rid the region of Saddam. Suicide-murders are an efficient means of diverting the U.S. foreign-policy agenda and refocusing the attention of the world on Israel — and away from Saddam.

Over a thousand Palestinians, have died since Arafat spurned President Bill Clinton's and then-Prime Minister Ehud Barak's peace offer in the summer of 2000. Many of the dead are brainwashed to believe that in dying they will reach paradise, and enrich their families. They were lead to believe that by committing murder-suicide they will hasten the arrival of a Palestinian state and have Israeli leadership sufficiently cowed so as to be willing to hand it over to them.

Sending young Palestinians to kill Israelis, Jews, and Americans is the only profession Arafat ever mastered. It is his only calling. Neither his engineering studies, nor his attempts to pass as an elected official and an international celebrity apparently satisfied him enough to drive him away from terror, the West's naïve Nobel peace prize notwithstanding.

Arafat's track record and appetite for enticing youngsters to kill other youngsters seems to have been limitless. He was deeply involved in planning the killings of Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympics in 1972 and the March 1, 1973, as well as the assassinations of U.S. ambassador Cleo A. Noel and Deputy Chief of Mission Curtis G. Moore in Khartum. The following year, Arafat's terrorists threw Israeli schoolchildren out of the windows of a school in the town of Maalot. Since then, his henchmen have killed dozens of Israeli children, and trained hundreds of Palestinian children to serve either as human shields for snipers or as killers.

Having assumed control of the West Bank and Gaza in 1993 under the cover of the Oslo Accords, Arafat proceeded to turn the Palestinian Authority's education system into one big jihad factory. While Israeli textbooks were revised to preach peace, Arafat ordered Palestinian youths into terrorist-training summer camps and preached a nonstop barrage of anti-Jewish hatred through everything from Sesame Street-type broadcasts through school textbooks and radio and TV programs financed by the European Union. He appointed Sheikh Akrama Sabri Chief Mufti of the Al Aqsa mosque whose weekly diatribes called for murder of Americans and Israelis.

While children as young as four are taught to march with suicide-bomber belts strapped to their bodies, while mothers celebrate suicide bombings carried out by their sons and daughters (and received monetary rewards for those murders courtesy of Saddam Hussein), those ready to fight to the last Palestinian — in Europe and in the Middle East — remain mum.

Arafat introduced deadly religious rhetoric, previously typical of the radical Islamic movements such as Hamas and Hezbollah, into the formerly secular Fatah mainstream. He repeatedly called for a 'million martyrs marching to Jerusalem,' and begged on every Arab channel to become a shahid (martyr) himself.

His behavior is increasingly reminiscent of Hitler in 1945, who sent one wave of 12-13-year-old Hitlerjugend (Hitler youth) after another to their deaths against American armor and Russian artillery, then proclaimed that the German people did not deserve their Reich if they could not die for it.

But Arafat's motives for practicing human sacrifice on a large scale are even more crass. He has told his close associates that without a new war against Israel, the Arabs will not continue paying the Palestinian Authority. Arafat and his associates skimmed most of the foreign assistance the U.S. and Europe provided since the Oslo accords were signed in 1993. And today, while the Palestinians suffer from 70 percent unemployment, Arafat's coffers are flush with cash — over $20 billion according to some intelligence estimates. War is certainly good business for Abu Amar.

His partner Saddam Hussein is equally willing to fight to the last Palestinian. He turned himself into the patron saint of suicide bombers. As Iraq is squeezed by international sanctions, there must be a compelling reason why Saddam recently doubled the blood money he pays to the families of 'martyrs' from $12,000 to $25,000. Adjusted for per-capita income in the Palestinian Authority, this is the equivalent of $600,000 U.S., a tidy sum.

Saddam has created hell on Earth for his own citizens, by gassing the Kurds, attacking Iran and Kuwait, and later by refusing to allow the U.N. inspectors for weapons of mass destruction into Iraq, and flaunting the U.N. sanctions. He diverted the majority of cash from his 'oil-for-food' program to the creation of weapons of mass destruction. Now he is busily helping the Palestinians to the 'gates of heaven.'

Similarly to Arafat, Saddam's rationale is his own political survival. As the Israeli-Palestinian conflict escalates, and as Arab and Muslim solidarity reaches a feverish pitch, echoing loudly in Europe and in the U.N., he believes it is less likely for other Arabs to cooperate with the U.S. in against his totalitarian regime — an attack that President Bush has repeatedly promised. The hotter the Arab-Israeli front, the louder become Arab pleading to spare Saddam.

Demonstrations in the Arab capitals and in Europe are aimed against Israel and the U.S. — but they also implicitly strike against the moderate Arab regimes which Saddam, Osama bin Laden, and radical Palestinians have excoriated for years.

Arafat is playing the role of Saddam's subcontractor for this bloody diversion, while Arab rulers, especially Prince Abdullah, and the Europeans, have become the enablers of Saddam and Arafat, with their policy of murder and human sacrifice.

And as the French and the European Union foreign-policy mandarins quietly contemplate their next move in the 'friendly criticism' of Washington, they too become the enablers of terrorism released by Arafat. Some in Europe's corridors of power do not mind seeing the U.S. bogged in the swamps of Arab hatred and foreign-policy obstruction. But by pursuing this course, they too are providing succor to Saddam and Arafat — and encouraging their war to the last Palestinian.

— Mr. Cohen is a research fellow at the Heritage Foundation.
















reply by
read_theposts
4/12/2002 (1:06)
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topic by
John Calvin
4/11/2002 (20:12)
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ABSTRACT OF STUDY ON PALESTINIAN TEXTBOOKS:
Prof. Nathan Brown
George Washington University
November 2001

For Complete Study, see:

Democracy, History, and the Contest over the Palestinian Curriculum
A study by Prof. Nathan Brown, Georgetown University

In 1999 and 2000, I conducted research on the establishment of the new Palestinian curriculum by collecting documents, textbooks, and interviewing Palestinian educators. Since that time, I have continued the research by surveying new textbooks and following discussions of educational issues by Palestinian educators. This research was supported by a Fulbright grant through the United States-Israel Educational Foundation (USIEF) and another grant from the United States Institute of Peace (USIP). The conclusions of the research are my own and do not necessarily reflect the views either of USIEF or USIP.

My research—and the attached paper—focus primarily on the role of democracy in the new curriculum. Nevertheless, I could not ignore the international controversy surrounding Palestinian textbooks and the many claims that they incite violence and racial hatred. I was therefore surprised to find books that were far less incendiary than portrayed; most were perfectly innocuous.

Most accusations against the books are based on reports from the 'Center for Monitoring the Impact of Peace' (CMIP). Although that organization presents reports that are tendentious and misleading, few independent reviews have been conducted. Therefore CMIP reports--which seek to obscure rather than highlight the very significant changes that have been made--are not frequently challenged. I hope that my own review of Palestinian textbooks can assist those interested in a more impartial assessment.



General Background

Upon assuming responsibility over Palestinian education in 1994, the Palestinian Authority (PA) restored the Jordanian and Egyptian curriculum in their entirety as an interim measure. This included the use of books that contained sharply anti-Israeli and even anti-Semitic material. It is based on these books that the strongest charges have been levied. Criticisms of that decision are fair, but must be viewed in conjunction with the following facts:

* The PA determined from the beginning to replace these books and formed a curriculum development center to draft a new set of books. This decision came not as a response to international pressure but instead was a Palestinian initiative (though some international funding was available). The plan developed by that center has proceeded according to schedule.

* The PA issued a series of National Education books for grades 1-6 to supplement the Egyptian and Jordanian books while the new books were being written. Those books were devoid of any anti-Semitic or anti-Israeli material.

* Oddly, Israel allowed the offensive Jordanian books to be used in the East Jerusalem schools but barred the innocuous PA-authored books, probably fearful that use of the PA books would be an implicit recognition of sovereignty.

* The new curriculum is now going into effect. The first and sixth grade textbooks were introduced in 2000. The second and seventh grade books were introduced in 2001. Books for the remaining grades will be introduced two at a time until the entire school system has switched over.

In short, the PA should be credited with removing racist and anti-Semitic material from the curriculum, not for maintaining it. And international assistance has supported replacement of the offensive material, not its composition.

More specific comments on the new (2000 and 2001) books:

* History

The Palestinian books strive to create a strong sense of Palestinian, Arab, and Muslim identity in students. This dominates their treatment of history. Thus, they concentrate on trying to demonstrate a continuing Arab presence in Palestine. Though they do not deny a Jewish presence, they do not dwell on it. In Islamic education, the books have to confront Muslim-Jewish conflicts (in the early days of Islam) and Muslim-Christian conflicts (during the Crusades). The books clearly are partial to Muslims in both instances. But they also clearly support peaceful relations (for instance, by lauding Saladin for insisting that people of all faiths should have access to Jerusalem). The books do not treat Jewish history in any comprehensive manner, positively or negatively.

* Present

Perhaps the most difficult issue is how to present Palestine in the present, since almost all matters (statehood, borders, Israeli settlements) remain unresolved. The books deliver no consistent message. Sometimes they seek to avoid the subject (for instance, a group of schoolchildren takes a trip from Gaza to Jerusalem; the books make no mention of the fact that checkpoints and closure make such a school trip impossible). Sometimes they convey the Palestinian national consensus (that Jerusalem must be their capital, that Israeli settlements harm Palestinians) while bypassing other issues. In general, they are base their presentation on an implicit distinction between 'geographic and historic' Palestine and 'political' Palestine. Thus they sometimes discuss (generally briefly) some areas within Israel's 1967 borders. But each book also contains a foreword describing the West Bank and Gaza as 'the two parts of the homeland.' In short, political realities are confusing and difficult for educators to describe to children. It would be unfair to describe such confused treatment as 'delegitimization of Israel.'

* Violence

Similarly, the books do not encourage violence. They do urge students to be willing to make self-sacrifice for the religion or nation (as most schoolbooks do), but they do not urge violence in that regard. One book does contain a poem praising the children who threw stones in the first intifada, but at the same time praises Gandhi at some length for non-violence.

Conclusion

The efforts to discredit Palestinian textbooks have already caused some damage. Many leading Palestinian educators have argued that the new curriculum should be designed not only to promote national identity but also the skills of democratic citizenship. Stung by international criticism, education officials tend to be less open to such contributions than they were in the past. The hyperbole of the charges against the books has led textbook writers to become less responsive, not more. The cause of educational reform has thus been obstructed by the harsh and unfair international criticism.

Schoolbooks are products of the broader political situation. An example is the role of Hebrew in the new curriculum. The original plan (produced in 1996) involved the introduction of Hebrew-language instruction as an elective in secondary school. But the deterioration of the broader political context has taken a toll. In 2000, a first-grade book had a picture of a coin from the era of the British mandate with Palestine written in both Hebrew and Arabic. In 2001, after a year of the second intifada, a picture of a Mandate-era postage stamp erased the Hebrew.

The Palestinian curriculum is not a 'war' curriculum. Neither is it a 'peace' curriculum. While some improvements in the existing books might be made, a real peace curriculum will follow, not precede, a comprehensive peace.



reply by
TheAZCowBoy
4/12/2002 (1:29)
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Re: Cohen and the Heritage foundation. A right wing Zionist Jew zealot and a right wing think tank should have many interesting things to say, huh Barb?

Touble is, you know what they are going to say, before they say it!

What they don't say is the the entire world has the hots for the murderous Zionist Jew's of Israel and this next time they will start with the Settler vipers, their wive's and kids. ( and here we thought that only the Zionist cut throat Jews had learned form the Nazi's in their 1940's cultural adventures ).


TheAZCowboy,
reply by
barb
4/12/2002 (12:31)
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this is not to excuse the crimes the Isrealites are doing to the Palestinians. But, AZ, you ought to think more about American politics. The left wing of the Democratic party is the MOST Jewish. It is those like Pat Buchanan and other 'right wingers' that have out and out said the U.S. needs to mind it's own business in the mideast! Recall that Hitler WAS A LEFTIST!!!