topic by
Sad
4/13/2002 (2:20) |
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Like, slavery, like exterminating the indians, like vietnam,in the years to come, the United States will have to answer to history for its role in the massacre of unarmed, helpless palestinian men, women and children by the Israeli army in Jenin. I truly feel complicit in this war crime, and I feel completely helpless to be able to do anything about it.
In the years to come, Israel will also understand what it is like to be hated worldwide, as the nazis are. The Israelis are no different. Give them power, or american made guns, tanks and helicopters, and they are very capable of rising to the occasion, just like the nazis.
Here is a post from the International Herald Tribune, an american newspaper published from Europe for an insight.
Why Powell will fail
Henry Siegman International Herald Tribune Saturday, April 13, 2002
NEW YORK In a speech April 4 announcing deeper U.S. involvement in efforts to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, President George W. Bush laid down several important markers previously missing from American policy. These included a new emphasis on halting Israeli settlement construction in the occupied territories, ending the humiliation of Palestinians and proceeding expeditiously toward an 'economically and politically viable' Palestinian state.
.
However, the administration's approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remains so deeply flawed as to guarantee the failure of Secretary of State Colin Powell's current mission to the region. The administration continues to believe it is possible for Yasser Arafat to implement a cease-fire and to diminish the level of Palestinian terrorism by verbal exhortation. What has been missing, in the administration's view, is Arafat's willingness to demand - in Arabic, of course - that the violence come to an end.
.
The reality is that no matter how many speeches Arafat will make condemning terrorism, it is entirely predictable that the latest round of Israeli assaults on Palestinian cities, towns and refugee camps, which has succeeded in destroying what little remained of institutions that make possible the barest survival of Palestinian life, will trigger an even greater wave of Palestinian terrorism that neither Arafat nor anyone else can prevent.
.
This coming wave of terrorism will be seen in Israel and portrayed in the United States not as the inexorable consequence of Israel's depredations in the Palestinian territories, but as irrefutable evidence that Arafat has once again deceived Bush and has therefore forfeited his last chance to redeem himself.
.
The result of this utterly predictable and unspeakably tragic course of events is that Ariel Sharon will send the Israeli forces back into Palestinian areas with even more destructive fury than before, and Bush will declare that Arafat, having failed once again the opportunity he offered him to assert responsible leadership, will now have to fend for himself.
.
For his part, Sharon, having finally achieved what he always dreamed of - returning the situation in the occupied territories to their pre-Oslo days - will now wait for the emergence of 'a new moderate Palestinian leadership' that will accept his terms for an end to the conflict. He said as much in his speech to the Knesset on Monday. (Sharon has learned nothing from his catastrophic efforts to anoint Gemayel as president of Lebanon in 1982 and to replace the PLO with a Palestinian Village League in the mid-1980s.)
.
For their part, Arab countries will be newly united in bitter hostility to the Jewish state. Just as Israelis were convinced that Palestinian rejection of the 'generous' terms offered by Ehud Barak at Camp David finally 'removed the mask from Arafat's face' and destroyed Israel's peace camp, so will Arab countries be convinced that Israel's response to their Beirut offer of peace and normalization - devastating Palestinian cities and destroying the Palestinian Authority - makes coexistence with the Jewish state impossible.
.
Is there an alternative to this scenario? There most certainly is; it requires that Powell say something like the following when he sits down to talk with Arafat in Ramallah on Saturday:
.
'We understand that the suicide bombings of Islamic Jihad, Hamas and the Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade will not end unless you confront them by force and engage them in a war that puts them out of business. We also understand you have no hope of winning such an internecine war, or of retaining popular Palestinian support for such fratricide, unless you can show the Palestinian people immediate and tangible progress toward Palestinian statehood, as well as an infusion of emergency aid.
.
'We will insist on a political process based on a return to the pre-1967 borders, with changes to accommodate Israeli security that are mutually negotiated, not unilaterally imposed by the stronger party, and we will join with the international community in launching an emergency reconstruction program.'
.
'Since Israel's actions have largely destroyed Palestinian security agencies and their capacity to confront the terrorists, we will work with you to repair the damage. Most important, we understand that this will take time and cannot be achieved by speeches, although we expect you to speak out against terrorism and the incitement that feeds it.
.
'For our part, we will demand an end to Israeli incitement by halting completely the construction of settlements, and keep Israeli forces out of Palestinian areas. But we will do this only as long as your actions against terrorism and violence are consistent, and as long as we remain convinced that you are putting out 100 percent effort to achieve agreed goals.'
.
Powell is most likely aware that this is the only approach that could change the catastrophic direction of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Unfortunately, it is highly unlikely that he has a mandate from Bush to have such a conversation with Arafat. That is why whatever limited progress will result from Powell's visit will be blown away by the next suicide bomber, and will plunge the region into even deeper despair.
.
The writer, a senior fellow on the Middle East at the Council on Foreign Relations, contributed this personal comment to the International Herald Tribune. .
However, the administration's approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remains so deeply flawed as to guarantee the failure of Secretary of State Colin Powell's current mission to the region. The administration continues to believe it is possible for Yasser Arafat to implement a cease-fire and to diminish the level of Palestinian terrorism by verbal exhortation. What has been missing, in the administration's view, is Arafat's willingness to demand - in Arabic, of course - that the violence come to an end.
.
The reality is that no matter how many speeches Arafat will make condemning terrorism, it is entirely predictable that the latest round of Israeli assaults on Palestinian cities, towns and refugee camps, which has succeeded in destroying what little remained of institutions that make possible the barest survival of Palestinian life, will trigger an even greater wave of Palestinian terrorism that neither Arafat nor anyone else can prevent.
.
This coming wave of terrorism will be seen in Israel and portrayed in the United States not as the inexorable consequence of Israel's depredations in the Palestinian territories, but as irrefutable evidence that Arafat has once again deceived Bush and has therefore forfeited his last chance to redeem himself.
.
The result of this utterly predictable and unspeakably tragic course of events is that Ariel Sharon will send the Israeli forces back into Palestinian areas with even more destructive fury than before, and Bush will declare that Arafat, having failed once again the opportunity he offered him to assert responsible leadership, will now have to fend for himself.
.
For his part, Sharon, having finally achieved what he always dreamed of - returning the situation in the occupied territories to their pre-Oslo days - will now wait for the emergence of 'a new moderate Palestinian leadership' that will accept his terms for an end to the conflict. He said as much in his speech to the Knesset on Monday. (Sharon has learned nothing from his catastrophic efforts to anoint Gemayel as president of Lebanon in 1982 and to replace the PLO with a Palestinian Village League in the mid-1980s.)
.
For their part, Arab countries will be newly united in bitter hostility to the Jewish state. Just as Israelis were convinced that Palestinian rejection of the 'generous' terms offered by Ehud Barak at Camp David finally 'removed the mask from Arafat's face' and destroyed Israel's peace camp, so will Arab countries be convinced that Israel's response to their Beirut offer of peace and normalization - devastating Palestinian cities and destroying the Palestinian Authority - makes coexistence with the Jewish state impossible.
.
Is there an alternative to this scenario? There most certainly is; it requires that Powell say something like the following when he sits down to talk with Arafat in Ramallah on Saturday:
.
'We understand that the suicide bombings of Islamic Jihad, Hamas and the Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade will not end unless you confront them by force and engage them in a war that puts them out of business. We also understand you have no hope of winning such an internecine war, or of retaining popular Palestinian support for such fratricide, unless you can show the Palestinian people immediate and tangible progress toward Palestinian statehood, as well as an infusion of emergency aid.
.
'We will insist on a political process based on a return to the pre-1967 borders, with changes to accommodate Israeli security that are mutually negotiated, not unilaterally imposed by the stronger party, and we will join with the international community in launching an emergency reconstruction program.'
.
'Since Israel's actions have largely destroyed Palestinian security agencies and their capacity to confront the terrorists, we will work with you to repair the damage. Most important, we understand that this will take time and cannot be achieved by speeches, although we expect you to speak out against terrorism and the incitement that feeds it.
.
'For our part, we will demand an end to Israeli incitement by halting completely the construction of settlements, and keep Israeli forces out of Palestinian areas. But we will do this only as long as your actions against terrorism and violence are consistent, and as long as we remain convinced that you are putting out 100 percent effort to achieve agreed goals.'
.
Powell is most likely aware that this is the only approach that could change the catastrophic direction of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Unfortunately, it is highly unlikely that he has a mandate from Bush to have such a conversation with Arafat. That is why whatever limited progress will result from Powell's visit will be blown away by the next suicide bomber, and will plunge the region into even deeper despair.
.
The writer, a senior fellow on the Middle East at the Council on Foreign Relations, contributed this personal comment to the International Herald Tribune. NEW YORK In a speech April 4 announcing deeper U.S. involvement in efforts to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, President George W. Bush laid down several important markers previously missing from American policy. These included a new emphasis on halting Israeli settlement construction in the occupied territories, ending the humiliation of Palestinians and proceeding expeditiously toward an 'economically and politically viable' Palestinian state.
.
However, the administration's approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remains so deeply flawed as to guarantee the failure of Secretary of State Colin Powell's current mission to the region. The administration continues to believe it is possible for Yasser Arafat to implement a cease-fire and to diminish the level of Palestinian terrorism by verbal exhortation. What has been missing, in the administration's view, is Arafat's willingness to demand - in Arabic, of course - that the violence come to an end.
.
The reality is that no matter how many speeches Arafat will make condemning terrorism, it is entirely predictable that the latest round of Israeli assaults on Palestinian cities, towns and refugee camps, which has succeeded in destroying what little remained of institutions that make possible the barest survival of Palestinian life, will trigger an even greater wave of Palestinian terrorism that neither Arafat nor anyone else can prevent.
.
This coming wave of terrorism will be seen in Israel and portrayed in the United States not as the inexorable consequence of Israel's depredations in the Palestinian territories, but as irrefutable evidence that Arafat has once again deceived Bush and has therefore forfeited his last chance to redeem himself.
.
The result of this utterly predictable and unspeakably tragic course of events is that Ariel Sharon will send the Israeli forces back into Palestinian areas with even more destructive fury than before, and Bush will declare that Arafat, having failed once again the opportunity he offered him to assert responsible leadership, will now have to fend for himself.
.
For his part, Sharon, having finally achieved what he always dreamed of - returning the situation in the occupied territories to their pre-Oslo days - will now wait for the emergence of 'a new moderate Palestinian leadership' that will accept his terms for an end to the conflict. He said as much in his speech to the Knesset on Monday. (Sharon has learned nothing from his catastrophic efforts to anoint Gemayel as president of Lebanon in 1982 and to replace the PLO with a Palestinian Village League in the mid-1980s.)
.
For their part, Arab countries will be newly united in bitter hostility to the Jewish state. Just as Israelis were convinced that Palestinian rejection of the 'generous' terms offered by Ehud Barak at Camp David finally 'removed the mask from Arafat's face' and destroyed Israel's peace camp, so will Arab countries be convinced that Israel's response to their Beirut offer of peace and normalization - devastating Palestinian cities and destroying the Palestinian Authority - makes coexistence with the Jewish state impossible.
.
Is there an alternative to this scenario? There most certainly is; it requires that Powell say something like the following when he sits down to talk with Arafat in Ramallah on Saturday:
.
'We understand that the suicide bombings of Islamic Jihad, Hamas and the Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade will not end unless you confront them by force and engage them in a war that puts them out of business. We also understand you have no hope of winning such an internecine war, or of retaining popular Palestinian support for such fratricide, unless you can show the Palestinian people immediate and tangible progress toward Palestinian statehood, as well as an infusion of emergency aid.
.
'We will insist on a political process based on a return to the pre-1967 borders, with changes to accommodate Israeli security that are mutually negotiated, not unilaterally imposed by the stronger party, and we will join with the international community in launching an emergency reconstruction program.'
.
'Since Israel's actions have largely destroyed Palestinian security agencies and their capacity to confront the terrorists, we will work with you to repair the damage. Most important, we understand that this will take time and cannot be achieved by speeches, although we expect you to speak out against terrorism and the incitement that feeds it.
.
'For our part, we will demand an end to Israeli incitement by halting completely the construction of settlements, and keep Israeli forces out of Palestinian areas. But we will do this only as long as your actions against terrorism and violence are consistent, and as long as we remain convinced that you are putting out 100 percent effort to achieve agreed goals.'
.
Powell is most likely aware that this is the only approach that could change the catastrophic direction of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Unfortunately, it is highly unlikely that he has a mandate from Bush to have such a conversation with Arafat. That is why whatever limited progress will result from Powell's visit will be blown away by the next suicide bomber, and will plunge the region into even deeper despair.
.
The writer, a senior fellow on the Middle East at the Council on Foreign Relations, contributed this personal comment to the International Herald Tribune. NEW YORK In a speech April 4 announcing deeper U.S. involvement in efforts to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, President George W. Bush laid down several important markers previously missing from American policy. These included a new emphasis on halting Israeli settlement construction in the occupied territories, ending the humiliation of Palestinians and proceeding expeditiously toward an 'economically and politically viable' Palestinian state.
.
However, the administration's approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remains so deeply flawed as to guarantee the failure of Secretary of State Colin Powell's current mission to the region. The administration continues to believe it is possible for Yasser Arafat to implement a cease-fire and to diminish the level of Palestinian terrorism by verbal exhortation. What has been missing, in the administration's view, is Arafat's willingness to demand - in Arabic, of course - that the violence come to an end.
.
The reality is that no matter how many speeches Arafat will make condemning terrorism, it is entirely predictable that the latest round of Israeli assaults on Palestinian cities, towns and refugee camps, which has succeeded in destroying what little remained of institutions that make possible the barest survival of Palestinian life, will trigger an even greater wave of Palestinian terrorism that neither Arafat nor anyone else can prevent.
.
This coming wave of terrorism will be seen in Israel and portrayed in the United States not as the inexorable consequence of Israel's depredations in the Palestinian territories, but as irrefutable evidence that Arafat has once again deceived Bush and has therefore forfeited his last chance to redeem himself.
.
The result of this utterly predictable and unspeakably tragic course of events is that Ariel Sharon will send the Israeli forces back into Palestinian areas with even more destructive fury than before, and Bush will declare that Arafat, having failed once again the opportunity he offered him to assert responsible leadership, will now have to fend for himself.
.
For his part, Sharon, having finally achieved what he always dreamed of - returning the situation in the occupied territories to their pre-Oslo days - will now wait for the emergence of 'a new moderate Palestinian leadership' that will accept his terms for an end to the conflict. He said as much in his speech to the Knesset on Monday. (Sharon has learned nothing from his catastrophic efforts to anoint Gemayel as president of Lebanon in 1982 and to replace the PLO with a Palestinian Village League in the mid-1980s.)
.
For their part, Arab countries will be newly united in bitter hostility to the Jewish state. Just as Israelis were convinced that Palestinian rejection of the 'generous' terms offered by Ehud Barak at Camp David finally 'removed the mask from Arafat's face' and destroyed Israel's peace camp, so will Arab countries be convinced that Israel's response to their Beirut offer of peace and normalization - devastating Palestinian cities and destroying the Palestinian Authority - makes coexistence with the Jewish state impossible.
.
Is there an alternative to this scenario? There most certainly is; it requires that Powell say something like the following when he sits down to talk with Arafat in Ramallah on Saturday:
.
'We understand that the suicide bombings of Islamic Jihad, Hamas and the Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade will not end unless you confront them by force and engage them in a war that puts them out of business. We also understand you have no hope of winning such an internecine war, or of retaining popular Palestinian support for such fratricide, unless you can show the Palestinian people immediate and tangible progress toward Palestinian statehood, as well as an infusion of emergency aid.
.
'We will insist on a political process based on a return to the pre-1967 borders, with changes to accommodate Israeli security that are mutually negotiated, not unilaterally imposed by the stronger party, and we will join with the international community in launching an emergency reconstruction program.'
.
'Since Israel's actions have largely destroyed Palestinian security agencies and their capacity to confront the terrorists, we will work with you to repair the damage. Most important, we understand that this will take time and cannot be achieved by speeches, although we expect you to speak out against terrorism and the incitement that feeds it.
.
'For our part, we will demand an end to Israeli incitement by halting completely the construction of settlements, and keep Israeli forces out of Palestinian areas. But we will do this only as long as your actions against terrorism and violence are consistent, and as long as we remain convinced that you are putting out 100 percent effort to achieve agreed goals.'
.
Powell is most likely aware that this is the only approach that could change the catastrophic direction of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Unfortunately, it is highly unlikely that he has a mandate from Bush to have such a conversation with Arafat. That is why whatever limited progress will result from Powell's visit will be blown away by the next suicide bomber, and will plunge the region into even deeper despair.
.
The writer, a senior fellow on the Middle East at the Council on Foreign Relations, contributed this personal comment to the International Herald Tribune.
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