Sharon's brutal philosophy
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AuthorTopic: Sharon's brutal philosophy
topic by
HOLGER JENSEN
4/21/2002 (12:55)
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(April 12, 11:21 a.m. CDT) - Nicknamed 'The Bulldozer,' Israel's prime minister is a soldier-politician whose career has been dogged by persistent accusations of war crimes.

But what kind of man is Secretary of State Colin Powell trying to persuade to make peace with the Palestinians?

At 74, Sharon may be the last Israeli leader who fought for the Haganah, politely described as part of the 'underground' that helped create the Jewish state in 1948.

Often overlooked is that the Haganah and its offshoots, Irgun Zvai Leumi and the Stern Gang, once were considered terrorist organizations that bombed Arab bus stops, attacked Arab villages and killed quite a few Britons in fighting to end the British Mandate of Palestine.

It also should be noted that two other former prime ministers of Israel, Menachem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir, were leaders of the Irgun and the Stern Gang respectively. Among the atrocities these groups were responsible for was bombing the King David Hotel and massacring 250 Arab villagers in Deir Yassin.
...

Doh! There I go, being 'anti-semitic' again. The Star Tribune must be a bunch of no-good racists driven by irrational hatred. No doubt they won't stop documenting Sharon's bloody military history until 'every Jew is driven into the sea', or some similar self-indulgent persecution fantasy.
reply by
arab
4/21/2002 (13:13)
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Finally came the days that thugs will rule.. and honorable men and women will be called terrorists!!
Finally came the days that the new roman empire will have to face its own moral decay!
Finally came the days that we have no choice but to leave our homes and families and fight to the death for we are ordered to by god.
And I would rather die than be a part of the new WORLD ORDER!or lack of.
reply by
Howard Schneider
4/21/2002 (13:18)
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Wider Arab Protest Movement Takes Root
Palestinian Woes Inspire Activism In Unlikely Places

Washington Post Foreign Service
Saturday, April 20, 2002; Page A13


ALEXANDRIA, Egypt -- Mohammed Sayed Ali Sakka was, by his parents' testimony, an apolitical son, obedient, athletic, intent on finishing his business degree while studying English and computer science. He understood the demands of the global marketplace, they said, and was trying to meet them.

But two weeks ago, on a balmy Mediterranean afternoon, he was, like so many thousands of Egyptians and Arabs these days, in the middle of one of the almost daily demonstrations that have broken out to protest Israel's three-week-old military campaign against Palestinian cities and refugee camps in the West Bank.

This one turned ugly. Students surged around Alexandria University, and threw rocks at the surrounding riot police. Police answered with rounds of tear gas, buckshot and rubber bullets. By the end of the exchange, Sakka was dead.

His death in the crowd speaks to a new movement that has taken root over the last two weeks, beyond campus hotheads whose demonstrations are routine in the Middle East and religious militants who regularly burn U.S. and Israeli flags. The anger now is rousing broad-based protests in a way Osama bin Laden tried -- and failed -- with his calls for jihad as the United States attacked in Afghanistan last fall.

As the violence burns in the West Bank, it is not only college protests in Egypt or sporadic gunfire at Israeli soldiers from such groups as Hezbollah that demonstrate popular rage. It is groups of Arab women organizing blood donations, or benefit choral concerts and poetry readings in Amman and Beirut. It is telethons for Palestinian relief that have drawn an estimated quarter-billion dollars in cash, gold, cars and other donations, largely from places such as Kuwait and Qatar and Saudi Arabia, which have close ties to the United States.

It is not just Palestinian refugees up in arms in Lebanon and Jordan -- a standard sight -- or the canned and planned protests that the governments of Iraq and Syria stage when it suits them. It is Bahrainis in the usually placid Persian Gulf region attacking the U.S. Embassy, Kuwaitis whose 1991 liberation from Iraq no longer hinders them from burning the American flag and, perhaps most notably, the small knots of Saudi protesters given an unprecedented green light by their government to gather publicly.

It is not just politicized student leaders or officials from such groups as the Muslim Brotherhood who are involved these days. It is students like Sakka, and Queen Rania of Jordan taking to the streets, and Mohammed Abdel Salem, a bathroom fixtures salesman who is 60 and spent his lunch break at the Egyptian Red Crescent this week giving blood.

'We are Arabs, family, brothers,' said Salem, one of a handful of people who trickled into the Red Crescent's downtown office on Tuesday. 'If Egypt allowed it, I would carry a weapon. I'd go. The Jews have been the enemy of our religion since the day the world started.'

These are some of the themes bin Laden tried to hit when he issued a videotaped call for worldwide jihad against the United States last fall. His appeal fell flat because, although the war in Afghanistan may have touched a nerve in the Arab world, it was an obscure one that prompted few to act. The geographic and ethnic connections were, in the end, too distant, the moral and political arguments too tenuous to inspire much sympathy for the likes of the Taliban or al Qaeda.

The conflict between Israel and the Palestinians, on the other hand, seems closer to home. It is seen on a religious level as a fight for control of Jerusalem, the site of the revered al-Aqsa mosque. To Arab nationalists, it evokes the memory of defeats beginning with Israel's creation in 1948 and the desire to show, through the Palestinians, that the Arabs cannot be pushed around anymore. For others, it's a battle between local, Palestinian culture, which most Arabs recognize as part of their own, and the globalizing West, represented by Jews from Europe and their patron, the United States.

These sentiments are stoked by saturation coverage of the West Bank violence offered through Arab satellite channels, such as al-Jazeera from Qatar, and even on traditionally staid, state-controlled media. The images, which reinforce a sense of disproportionate force being applied against Palestinians, push the mainstream to act in ways that bin Laden's appeal could not.

'You see a child. A baby. They killed her,' said Ali Mabrook, 21, a rental car agent who said he has always avoided demonstrations and other overt political events, because he does not think they do any good. However, he was at the Red Crescent this week to give blood as a concrete statement of support. 'Politically, you want to stand next to them,' said Mabrook. 'Everybody should have their own nation.'

'Inside, it is a feeling of insecurity,' said Walid Kazziha, a political scientist at the American University of Cairo. Running down the list of Arab territory overrun by Israelis in his lifetime, he said he recently felt compelled to apologize to his students during a lecture because 'we have not been able to protect you.'

'The Israelis are the foreigner who is coming in and humiliating you and putting your face in the sand,' Kazziha said. 'In my lifetime we have never overrun any of their cities. They go into Beirut, they go into Ramallah, they go into refugee camps and play havoc. It is happening all the time and it could happen to any of us.'

In Egypt and Jordan particularly the public mood has been closely watched. Both countries have signed peace treaties with Israel, and the Israeli embassies in Cairo and Amman have become targets for popular ire.

So far, the situation has not altered the basic strategic position of either country. When Syrian officials began carping about the Israeli Embassy in Cairo, for example, the Egyptian commentators who are closest to President Hosni Mubarak fired back that Syria's 'boy president' -- 36-year-old Bashar Assad -- had no standing to speak on such weighty issues as war and peace. Echoing Mubarak, they said that Egypt would never be drawn into another war unless it was to defend Egypt's own borders.

But the pressure is significant. Jordan's King Abdullah sent an explicit letter to President Bush that he was being 'undermined' by the events in Israel, and Egypt has taken care that Sakka's death in Alexandria does not transform anti-Israeli sentiment into anger against the government in Cairo.

Students say Sakka was killed by police gunfire. Security officials say he was trampled by the crowd. Whoever is right, Mubarak's police are being careful to avoid fallout. Security police followed a foreign journalist to the young man's home, for instance, and interrupted an interview with his parents, saying it was forbidden to talk to them.

During a subsequent trip to the local police station, it became apparent how the events of the last two weeks may be hardening Arab opinion. Police on the riot lines are doing their jobs, but during recent protests in Cairo and Alexandria took the opportunity, standing near an American journalist, to make clear that they were only following orders.

Their sympathies, they said, were with the Palestinians.



© 2002 The Washington Post Company
reply by
*** A.S.S haron & zionist goals
4/21/2002 (13:43)
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....Beside Deir Yasin, Israel ethnically cleansed 500 villages. The history of this is detailed in... palestinerememberd.com ... Where the Israelis pushed the Palestinians of Jaffa into the sea... The Israelis turned that around and accused the Palestinians of trying to push them into the Sea.... The Israeli strategy is one of accusing their enemy of the very crimes they themselves commit......The Israelis drove out the Palestinians from Nablus and they went to the refugee camp of Jenin....only to be crushed again...by the zIONISTS... .... reportsnotebook.com ... Message Board...
reply by
Seth Sims
4/21/2002 (13:49)
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Someone posted this in a different discussion at MER.

Kinda puts things in context.


We hear so often about peaceful Arab villages that were overrun by 'Zionist Forces' and emptied of their peaceful inhabitants. In truth, Deir Yassin served as a center of weapons trafficking during the many violent Palestinian Arab outbreaks. Deir Yassin and other peaceful Arab villages lay along roads traveled by Jews... in particular, the roads leading into Jerusalem. As Jewish traffic passed by, some of these peaceful Arabs from the peaceful villages would slice, dice and other wise mutilate ambushed Jewish travelers. Operation Nachshon was launched on April 6, 1948 with the aim of opening up the road to Jerusalem. The village of Deir Yassin was included on the list of Arab villages to be occupied as part of that operation.

There was a massacre of Jews on April 1, 1948... Three Days BEFORE Deir Yassin!

Some woman were raped and murdered. Men often had their genitals cut off and jammed into their mouths! Most were simply dragged from their vehicles and then shot, knifed or beaten to death with rocks... EXACTLY what is happening NOW throughout Judea/Samaria (the 'West Bank') and the Gaza Strip. Obviously killing Jews has been a time-honored tradition going back to the 1880s when other Jews died at the hands of these peaceful Arabs' grandparents... and going forward to the brutal massacre of Israeli reservists (click HERE for details) in late 2000 at the hands of their grandchildren! And if you add to these road massacres all the other sporadic attacks and organized 'Arab Revolts' against Jews from the 1880s leading up to Jewish statehood in 1948, the peaceful Arabs of Palestine were hardly peaceful at all!

Between 1947 & 1948, 600 noncombatants and women, were captured by the Palestinian Arabs.After the war ended, only ONE made it back alive. This when they had a prisoner exchange.

All the 599 who did not make it back were slaughtered amid scenes of gang rape, sodomy and worse. They were dismembered, decapitated, mutilated and then photographed.



Deir Yassin was one of those peaceful Arab villages that lay along the road to Jerusalem. The Jews had no choice but to remove this threat! The attack upon Deir Yassin has NEVER been forgotten by the Arabs. Even today, more than fifty years later, the Deir Yassin Memorial Committee still organizes vigils throughout the world to continue festering this wound to their pride. What makes this special to the Arabs is that it is the ONLY documented case of a Jewish massacre!!! We, however, prefer to call it was it REALLY is.... a 'Pay Back!' And when other peaceful Arabs of Palestine heard that Jews were capable of paying them back in full massacre-for-massacre, there was mass panic as these peaceful Arabs fled for neighboring Arab territories.

Present and future leaders of Israel should take note from this that it's sometimes better to forego formal negotiations and, instead, simply 'speak THEIR language!' By the way, four days AFTER Deir Yassin, the Arabs massacred a bus convoy of 78 Jewish doctors and nurses heading up Mt. Scopus to the Hadassah Hospital.

For the duration of the first Arab-Israeli War (Israel's War of Independence 1948-9), 600 Jewish noncombatants were captured by Palestinian Arabs. After the war ended, only ONE made it back alive. That was when there was a post-war prisoner exchange. All the 599 who did not make it back were slaughtered amid scenes of gang rape, sodomy, dismemberment and worse. And THESE are the same poor Palestinian refugees whom the American press corps (CNN in particular) and press coverage throughout the world hold up as innocent Palestinians being brutalized by Israel.
reply by
truth
4/21/2002 (14:00)
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I LOVE GOOGLE

The Arabs started all the wars: 1948
Written by Arjan El Fassed. Edited by Laurie King-Irani.

Myth
Since the establishment of Israel there have been five major wars between Arabs and the Israelis. These wars occured in 1948, 1956, 1967, 1973 and 1982. Israel claims that the Arabs started all the wars. Although there has been low-intensity conflict in the intervening years and major conflagrations during the 'War of Attrition' in 1969-1970 and the 1978 invasion of Lebanon, massive civil disobedience during the Uprising of 1988, and in 2000-2001 during the Al-Aqsa Intifada, it is these five wars Israel refers to when it makes its claims, creating the impression that Israel has only acted 'in self-defence'.

The roots of the 1948 war go as far back as the first recognition on the part of the Palestinians that the Zionists wished to establish a Jewish state on their land. In late 1947 the United Nations proposed that Palestine be divided into a Palestinian Arab state and a Jewish state. The UN Partition Plan recommended that 55 percent of Palestine, and the most fertile region, be given to the Jewish settlers who compromised 30 percent of the population. The remaining 45 percent of Palestine was to comprise a home for the other 70 percent of the population who were Palestinians. The Palestinians rejected the plan because it was unfair.

Israel and its supporters claim that the Arabs first attacked in Janurary 1948 and then invaded Israel in May 1948.



Facts
The truth is that by May 1948 Zionist forces had already invaded and occupied large parts of the land which had been allocated to the Palestinians by the UN Partition Plan. In January 1948 Israel did not yet exist.

The evidence that Israel started the 1948 war comes from Zionist sources. The History of the Palmach which was released in portions in the 1950s (and in full in 1972) details the efforts made to attack the Palestinian Arabs and secure more territory than alloted to the Jewish state by the UN Partition Plan (Kibbutz Menchad Archive, Palmach Archive, Efal, Israel).

Already, Zionist forces were implementing their 'Plan Dalet' to

'control the area given to us [the Zionists] by the U.N. in addition to areas occupied by Arabs which were outside these borders and the setting up of forces to counter the possible invasion of Arab armies after May 15' (Qurvot 1948, p. 16, which covers the operations of Haganah and Palmach, see also Ha Sepher Ha Palmach, The Book of Palmach).


Operation Nachson, 1 April 1948
Operation Harel, 15 April 1948
Operation Misparayim, 21 April 1948
Operation Chametz, 27 April 1948
Operation Jevuss, 27 April 1948
Operation Yiftach, 28 April 1948
Operation Matateh, 3 May 1948
Operation Maccabi, 7 May 1948

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Operation Gideon, 11 May 1948
Operation Barak, 12 May 1948
Operation Ben Ami, 14 May 1948
Operation Pitchfork, 14 May 1948
Operation Schfifon, 14 May 1948
The operations 1-8 indicate operations carried out before the entry of the Arab forces inside the areas allotted by the UN to the Arab state. It has to be noted that of thirteen specific full-scale operations under Plan Dalet eight were carried out outside the area 'given' by the UN to the Zionists.

Following is a list drawn from the New York Times of the major military operations the Zionists mounted before the British evacuated Palestine and before the Arab forces entered Palestine:

Qazaza (21 Dec. 1947)
Sa'sa (16 Feb. 1948)
Haifa (21 Feb. 1948)
Salameh (1 March 1948)
Biyar Adas (6 March 1948)
Qana (13 March 1948)
Qastal (4 April 1948)
Deir Yassin (9 April 1948)
Lajjun (15 April 1948)
Saris (17 April 1948)
Tiberias (20 April 1948)
Haifa (22 April 1948)
Jerusalem (25 April 1948)
Jaffa (26 April 1948)
Acre (27 April 1948)
Jerusalem (1 May 1948)
Safad (7 May 1948)
Beisan (9 May 1948).

David Ben-Gurion confirms this in an address delivered to American Zionists in Jerusalem on 3 September 1950:

'Until the British left, no Jewish settlement, however remote, was entered or seized by the Arabs, while the Haganah, under severe and frequent attack, captured many Arab positions and liberated Tiberias and Haifa, Jaffa and Safad' (Ben-Gurion, Rebirth and Destiny of Israel (N.Y.: Philosophical Library, 1954, p. 530).
Although late PM Ben-Gurion speaks of 'liberating' Jaffa it was alloted to the Palestinians by the UN Partition Plan.

Late PM Menachem Begin adds:

'In the months preceding the Arab invasion, and while the five Arab states were conducting preparations, we continued to make sallies into Arab territory. The conquest of Jaffa stands out as an event of first-rate importance in the struggle for Hebrew independence early in May, on the eve [that is, before the alleged Arab invasion] of the invasion by the five Arab states' (Menachem Begin, The Revolt, Nash, 1972, p. 348)

On 12 December 1948 David Ben Gurion confirmed the fact that the Zionists started the war in 1948:

'As April began, our War of Independence swung decisively from defense to attack. Operation 'Nachson'...was launched with the capture of Arab Hulda near where we stand today and of Deir Muheisin and culminated in the storming of Qastel, the great hill fortress near Jerusalem' (Ben Gurion, Rebirth and Destiny of Israel (N.Y.: Philosophical Library, 1954, p. 106).

Israeli historians have themselves refuted the claim that the Arabs started the 1948 war. Benny Morris uncovered a report from the Israeli Defense Force Intelligence Branch (30 June 1948) that shows a deliberate Israeli policy to attack the Arabs should they resist and expel the Palestinians (Benny Morris, 'The Causes and Character of the Arab Exodus from Palestine: the Israel Defense Forces Intelligence Branch Analysis of June 1948', Middle Eastern Studies, XXII, January 1986, pp. 5-19).



Conclusion
In sum, it is not true that the Arabs 'invaded Israel' in 1948.

First, Israel did not exist at the time of the alleged invasion as an established state with recognised bounderies. When the Zionist leaders established Israel on 15 May 1948 they purposely declined to declare the bounderies of the new state in order to allow for future expansion.

Secondly, the only territory to which the new state of Israel had even a remote claim was that alloted to the Jewish state by the UN Partition Plan. But the Zionists had already attacked areas that were alloted to the Palestinian Arab state.

Thirdly, those areas which the Arab states purportedly 'invaded' were, in fact, exclusively areas alloted to the Palestinian Arab state proposed by the UN Partition Plan. The so-called Arab invasion was a defensive attempt to hold on to the areas alloted by the Partition Plan for the Palestinian state.

Finally, the commander of Jordan's Arab Legion, was under orders not to enter the areas alloted to the Jewish state (Sir John Bagot Glubb, 'The Battle for Jerusalem', Middle East International, May 1973).

reply by
anti_seth
4/21/2002 (14:03)
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A Jewish State is born
The general impression is that the state of Isreal came into being as a result of a recommendation of the UN General Assembly Partition Plan in November 29, 1947. Actually this was only a part of the story. The resolution had recommended the creation of a Jewish State on 56% of the territory of Palestine, an Arab State on 42% and an International Zone of Jerusalem and Environs on the remaining 2%. The resolution decreed that Arabs living in the area of the Jewish State were to continue to reside there and to enjoy fundamental rights and basic human liberties under the guarantees of the UN. The Israelis occupied 77% of the land by the time the British Mandate left.

In fact what actually emerged as the Jewish state on May 14, 1948 was any thing but the state planned for under the UN Partition Plan. The state of Israel was the product of brute force, created in violation of the UN Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the very resolution under which the Israelis now claim sovereignty.

No sooner was the Partition Resolution adopted when the British government announced its withdrawal from Tel Aviv and its environs and handed over administration and security to the local Jewish Authorities. This freed the hands of the Zionists within a significant area of Palestine and arms and fighting men began to arrive through the port of Tel Aviv to augment the Zionist underground forces.

This was confirmed by Menachem Begin who declare that at the end of March 1948, the first shipload of arms and ammunition from Czechoslovakia arrived in Palestine, which proved to be vital in the turning of the tide. From then on, militarily, the Zionists never looked back. Tiberias fell on April 18; on 21 April Haganah forces began to attack Haifa. On May 10 Safad Fell after more than a week of heavy fighting. At the end of April, Haganah occupied the Kattamon Quarter of Jerusalem; and in co-operation with Haganah, the surrender of Jaffa took place on May 13, 1948.

While more and more Jewish areas were evacuated and handed over to the Zionists as the day of the British withdrawal approached, the British forces remained in Arab areas impending any preparations of defene that the Arabs might have in mind. With each new day Zionist assaults on Arab areas increased with no British interference whatsoever.

The Arab inhabitants, forsaken by the government that undertook to maintain law and order and not permitted by so-called protectors to seek outside aid, had no alternative but to flee before tha advancing Zionists--an exodus, which the Zionists had planned and organized and now assisted by those who undertook to ensure the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine.

Glubb Pasha, Commanding Officer of the Arab Legion in 1948, “The Jews were already in the Arab area when the Legion arrived.”

Zionist Aggression Before Termination of the Mandate:

The Israelis have always claimed that the war started with the entry of the Arab armies into Palestine after the British withdrawal on May 14, 1948. The war in Palestine to be understood correctly, must be divided into three distinct phases:

1. The period prior to the Partition Resolution of 29 Nov. 1947 when the Zionists were planning, organizing and carrying out terror and sabotage activites with a view to expelling first the British and then the Muslim and Christian inhabitants.

2. the six-month period between November 29, 1947(the date of the partition) and May 14, 1948 during (the date of the British withdrawal) and

3. the period subsequent to May 14,1948 during which the armies of the Arab states entered Palestine.

The Zionist plan of intention was disclosed during a conversation in December between a British officer of the Jordan Arab Legion and a Palestinian Government Jewish official. The former is reported to have asked the latter “whether the new Jewish state would not have internal troubles in view of the fact that the Arab inhabitants of the Jewish state would be equal in number to the Jews.” The Jewish official is reported to have repliied ;”Oh no! That will be fixed. A few calculated massacres will soon get rid of them.” (Glubb...p.8)

This plan was immediately put into effect. The methods used, however, varied. Some were driven out by force of arms; others were made to leave by deceit, lying and false promises.”(From an Archive by Nathan Chofshi in Jewish Newsletter, Feb 9, 1959) Others still were encouraged to move on by blows or by indecent acts.”8(Glubb,op. cit,p.251)

PRINCIPLES AND OBJECTIVES:

The basic issue in the Palestine question is the uprooting and dispossession of an entire nation in order to make room for the “ingathering” in Palestine of Jews from all parts of the world. Whereas some of these Jews may have been victims of terror and injustice, nonetheless, they are being used as pawns in the political program of Jewish nationalism. The building up of a Jewish population in Palestine was not inspired purely by humanitarian considerations, but achieved principally in order to fulfill the political aspirations of a major ideological movement --Zionism.

‘Zionism strives to create for Jewish people a home in Palestine secured by public law.

Another angle of the Zionist claim to Palestine is that the early Hebrews were in previos occupation of the land.

The only real title which any people has to its country comes from birth and long and continual possession. This is a criterion that the common acceptance of humanity has set up as a universal principle. It is recognized as the basis of integrity and security of all nations and no just international order can be established in the world today on any other foundation.

If such a formula can apply to a new country like America with its only four-hundred and odd years of history, how much sounder in comparison is the right of the Palestinians to their land, which dates back to the dawn of history. The Palestine Arabs of today, Muslim and Christians, are not, as is popularly believed, all exclusively the descendants of the Islamic desrt conquerors of 1,300 years ago; they are in fact, mainly the descendants of the original native population--Philistines, Canaanites, etc. They were there when the Hebrews invaded the land in about 1,550 BC, survived the Israelites occupation, retained possession of a large part of the country. they remained there when the Hebrew ‘dispersed’ to be intermingled first with the Arabs in the seventh century, then with the Crusaders in the 11th century and continued the occupation of the land in their new Arabized character until the Zionism invasion in 1948.

If this transitionary occupation can give the Zionists a ‘historic right’ to the country, then it may be argued that the Arabs, who occupied Spain continuously for 800 years, could claim that country today,while the Italians could claim the British Isles and the Indians demand the withdrawal from Americas of all those who settled in the Western hemesphere and now call themselves Americans, Canadians, and Latin Americans. If all nations were to adopt this strange Zionist logic, the world would be in utter chaos.

The so-called ‘miracle of Israel’s restoration’ in 1948 was not according to God’s Will as the Zionists and some misguided Christians would have the world to believe, but a very un-Christian human international crime against the Muslim and Christian inhabitants of the Holy Land.

Zionism and Judaism:

Judaism is a religion of universal values. Jews are regarded as members of a religious fellowship, who have no national or ethnic ties with their co-religionists of other lands. In the countries of their citizenship, Jews, like Christians and Muslims, have national ties with their fellow-citizens, irrespective of their religious faith.

Zionism is an international political movement which aspires to link all Jews, by means of ethnic, nationalistic bonds into a world-wide nation, a peoplehood, having as its political and cultural center the state of Israel.

Commenting on the effect of Zionism on Jewish interests, professor William E. Hocking, said, he believes “Zionists are the chief enemies of the Jewish interests in the world of tomorrow......What can they hope to gain by extricating their brethren from the prejudices of Europe only to build a community in Palestine which has to be protected by Western force because it is cradled in an environmement of sedulously cultivated distrust and fear.”

ARAB REJECTION OF ZIONISM:

The fundamental reason for Arab opposition to Zionism is based upon the fact that the Muslim and Christian inhabitants of the country could not be expected to yield to an ideology which sought to wrest --as later events proved--their homeland from them. The Arabs rejected absolutely and unanimously any attempt to destroy the Arab charactor of Palestine. They still do.



reply by
google
4/21/2002 (14:05)
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'It's difficult to count'

Few survived the massacre of Deir Yassin 50 years ago, and of them, even fewer are alive today to recount its horrors. Amira Howeidy reviews the carnage through their words
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Despite controversy over the exact number of those slain in the Deir Yassin massacre, the length of time their murder took and the strategic significance of the location of the village, the survivors' accounts unanimously agree in their descriptions of the atrocities committed by the Jewish gangs begining around daybreak on Friday 9 April 1948, and lasting until dusk.
Abu Mahmoud (1) was 21 when the massacre took place. He and his young friends 'were ready for whatever might happen after the battle of Kastel.' A day earlier the leader of the Palestinian guerrilla, Abdul-Qader El-Husseini, had been seriously wounded at Al-Qastal. Residents of the neighboring town of Deir Yassin were alarmed. 'By 4.30 pm on Thursday 8 April, El-Husseini was dead. We were watching the battle from a distance. After his death we took precautionary masures in case anything happened: we guarded the village until 2.30 the next morning when the Jews began to enter using spot and search lights to look for our fighters. The Jews closed in on the village, exchanging fire with us as they came.' Mahmoud Kassem El-Yassini (2) who witnessed the massacre at age 15, clearly remembered that the village had actually been surrounded since the night before. His mother was in labour, 'we could not get to a hospital because the village was under siege and there was no way out by night. At four o'clock on the morning of Friday 9 April, we heard shots coming from all directions. Then people started screaming: 'The Jews have taken us,' and 'The Jews are taking hold of Deir Yassin.'

In the whole village, he says, there were '40 British-made guns... and no mortar of any kind.' By contrast, Abu Mahmoud points out, 'The Jews had all sorts of automatic weapons, tanks, missiles, cannons.'

'Once they entered the village, fighting became very heavy on the eastern side, and later it spread to other parts, to the quarry and the village centre, until it reached the western edge. The battle was on three fronts: East, South and North,' Abu Mahmoud recounts. The Western front, following the pattern of phase 1 of Plan Dalet (3), was open for survivors to escape and tell others of the horrors they had seen with their own eyes.

The fighting, says Abu Mahmoud, continued till around 3.30 in the afternoon. Most survivors describe what happened during the preceding 12 to 14 hours as 'indiscriminate' killing. 'They used to enter houses and kill women and children indiscriminately,' Mahmoud for one recounts.

'I saw how Hilweh Zeidan was killed, along with her husband, her son, her brother and Khumayyes. Hilweh Zeidan went out to collect the body of her husband. They shot her and she fell over his body... I also saw Hayat Bilbeissi, a nurse from Jerusalem who was serving in the village, as she was shot before the door of Musa Hassan's house. The daughter of Abu El-Abed was shot dead as she held her baby niece. The baby was shot too... Whoever tried to run away was shot dead,' says Um Mohammed (4), 64, who was fifteen when the events took place.

El-Yassini tells of horrific details. 'Everything seemed strange. There was blood everywhere. A dead woman holding her baby reminded me of my mother, so I dashed to our house. I found my mother hiding in fear in the basement and when she saw me she cried and started screaming. She told me to go to my uncle's house next door through a hole in the wall to make sure that the rest of the family was still alive. When I peered through the hole, I saw horror. I could see traces of blood all over the place. All that I could see was blood. I knew that they had all been massacred... I had lost my uncles Youssef and Mohammed Hamida.'

Rape, mutilation and humiliation were the norm. Says El-Yassini, 'there were [corpses of] women lying in houses with their skirts torn up to their waists and their legs wide apart; children with their throats cut open, rows of young men shot in the back after being lined up at an execution wall. There were even bodies of babies.' Moreover, 'some had vivid crimson or black scars down the left side of their throats. One of the women held a tiny baby against her body. The bullet had passed through her breast and killed the baby. Someone had slit open her stomach, cutting sideways and then upwards, perhaps trying to kill her unborn child. Her eyes were wide open, her dark face frozen in horror.'


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'A Jewish terrorist reporting the massacre was saying, 'Minus 15 Arabs. Minus 60 Arabs.'
After a while his message on the radio to headquarters was, 'It's difficult to count.'
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The number of the victims of the Deir Yassin massacre remains controversial. Most researchers, following a statement given to the press by Mordechai Ra'anan (the then Irgun Zvai Leumi commander for Jerusalem, and commander of the Deir Yassin operation), use the figure 254. That same figure was confirmed by The 254 figure appears in almost every account of the massacre at the time it occured. Sources endorsing that figure include: the Jewish Agency, a Red Cross official, the New York Times and Dr Hussein AlKhalidi, spokesman of the Jersualem-based Arab Higher Committee. However, this figure has been periodically contested, mainly by extreme right wing Zionist researchers. They claim that the figure cannot be more than 120-140. Yet whatever sources we adopt, it remains an undisputed fact that the number of victims was immense and horrified the survivors. El-Yassini recalls, 'I remember hearing a Jewish terrorist who was touring the village and reporting the massacre, saying, 'Minus 15 Arabs. Minus 60 Aras.' After a while his message on the radio to headquarters became: 'It's difficult to count.'' Fifteen-year-old El-Yassini did not count, but 'came across the evidence of widespread murder. Dozens of bodies of men littered the streets... Down an alleyway, no more than 50 yards from our house, there lay a pile of corpses. There were more than a dozen young men whose arms and legs were wrapped around each other in the agony of death. All had been shot at point-blank range through the cheek, the bullet tearing away a line of flesh up to the ear before entering the brain... We found out later that whole families were killed. I heard that the Zahran clan lost 40 men, women and children. They were the first family in Deir Yassin to be slaughtered by the Jewish terrorists.'

Despite the complete destruction of the village, which was now firmly under Jewish control, the killing frenzy continued unabated. According to Abu Yousef (5) who was 21, 'after the battle, the Jews took elderly men and women and youths, including four of my cousins and a nephew. They took them all. Women who had on them gold and money were stripped of their gold. After the Jews had removed their dead and wounded, they took the men to the quarry and sprayed them all with bullets... One woman saw her son taken some 40 to 60 metres away from where she and the rest of the women stood, and shot dead. Then they brought Jewish kids to throw stones at his body. Then, they poured kerosene over his body and set it ablaze, while the women watched from a distance.'

'Later, we collected together and checked who was missing. We were brought to Jaffa Gate in Jerusalem by the Arab Higher Committee. Each of us was looking for a son, a daughter, a sister or a mother.'

'The elderly men were told to remove the dead, both Arabs and Jews. They took the bodies of the Jews and left the Arab bodies; later they were thrown down a well in the village centre.'

Abu Mahmoud makes a similar account. 'They took about 40 prisoners from the village. After the battle was over, they took them to the quarry where they shot them dead and threw their bodies into the quarry. After they had removed their dead and wounded, they took the prisoners and killed them.'

Although the survivors of Deir Yassin were given shelter in the Al-Aqsa mosque, they were still not safe. 'I saw many Jewish assailants targeting the Dome of the Rock with mortar bombs' says El-Yassini. 'After a while, we had to go to the village of Abu Dies, because in Jerusalem we were constantly under attack. My [pregnant] mother was overdue and on her way to the hospital with her brother, Jewish terrorists threw a bomb at her. She died but the baby survived. We decided to name him Jihad as she had wanted to call him.'


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Footnotes
(1) Elias Zananiri, Gulf News, 9.4.1997, Sakakini Cultural Center website
(2) Omayma Abdel-Latif, Al-Ahram Weekly, 17.4.97
(3) Salman Abu Setta, paper presented to the Arab Centre for Futuristic and Developmental Research, Cairo, 1996. Pointing to that phase of Plan Dalet (which aimed at capturing villages along the Tel-Aviv-Jerusalem road from local Palestinian militia), Setta said,'This was the case, always; surrounding the village from three sides, and leaving the fourth open. The murder and mutilation was deliberate, and also the leaving a number of survivors to recount the story. These massacres were one of their tools of war.'
(4) Elias Zananiri, Gulf News 9.4.97
(5) Elias Zananiri, Gulf News 9.4.97