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'American still drop bombs here and there' is a strange way to describe a campaign which is costing American taxpayers one billion dollars a day.
Central Asia/Russia
Afghanistan proceeds to tear itself apart
By Syed Saleem Shahzad
KARACHI - Only a few weeks after an interim government took over in Afghanistan, the inevitable infighting among warlords has broken out and is likely to spread throughout the country.
Rival forces clashed in Mazar-i-Sharif on the weekend and are ready for combat in Kunduz, while in Paktia, the governor installed by Kabul has already been thrown out and a new war is in progress. At the same time, tension is growing between warring factions and tribes in Kandahar and Herat. The situation in Jalalabad and Kabul is unclear, but as a matter of tradition, the fire will spread to these two cities in a matter of weeks.
Afghanistan's interim leader, Hamid Karzai, has requested that foreign peace-keeping forces be sent to every part of the country to disarm the factions. Karzai made a similar request during his visit to the US last week, but returned to Afghanistan empty handed after less than enthusiastic responses from President George W Bush and the United Nations.
The battle in Paktia province is between the forces of governor Bacha Khan, who has always been considered loyal to the former Afghan king, Zahir Shah, and the forces of Saifullah Khan, loyal to former Afghan president Burhanuddin Rabbani. After a week of intense fighting, Saifullah Khan's forces have driven Bacha Khan from the provincial capital Gardez. Informed sources say that Karzai is not willing to give up Paktia, whatever the cost, and has sent fresh supplies to the deposed governor to help him win back his position.
Karzai understands the importance of Paktia, Khost and Gardez. Although a few small pockets loyal to the former king exist here, during the past 20 years of war the three areas have been exclusively in the hands of hardline forces loyal to Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani, Gulbadin Hekmatyar, Burhanuddin Rabbani, and to some extent Professor Abdul Rab Rasool Sayyaf.
When the Taliban emerged, these hardline Islamist forces did not resist. They simply merged with the Taliban. Most of their commanders were already mullahs (religious teachers) or talib (religious students). After the Taliban retreat, some fled or melted into the civilian population, but most commanders regrouped their troops and returned to the pre-Taliban status quo. Although these former jihadi commanders have varied agendas and followings, they have two things in common: opposition to foreign forces and opposition to the monarchy.
Khost, Gardez and Paktia are the places where American planes still drop bombs once a day. Washington knows that whether Taliban are holed up there or not, anti-US forces exist and are in control.
The situation in northern Afghanistan is similar, but different in that rivalries are based on ethnicity rather than politics. Initially, Tajik forces loyal to General Abdul Qassim Fahim (the then military commander of the Norther Alliance) and the Uzbek forces of General Rashid Dostum were ready for combat after the Taliban were driven from Kunduz by Dostum's troops. The argument was over who would control the biggest area. At the 11th hour, American intervention prevented a clash. Dostum abdicated his rights in favor of General Mohammed Daud, who is loyal to Fahim. Fahim is now Minister of Defense in the interim administration, and Dostum was given the post of Deputy Minister of Defense.
However, the forces controlled by Fahim and Dostum both victimized the local Pashtun population. Kunduz is in the region where Tajiks and Uzbeks dominate. Former king Zahir Shah had encouraged Pashtuns to move there, and those who did received special dispensations like cheap or free land and free infrastructure. Even Pakistani tribals were encouraged to move to northern Afghanistan, to help establish a strong pro-Zahir Shah constituency in Kunduz and Mazar-i-Sharif.
Before the advent of the Taliban, the Pashtun warlords in Kunduz were mostly associated with Professor Abdul Rasool Sayyaf or Gulbadin Hekmatyar, and when the Taliban emerged, they were absorbed into that group. After the Taliban retreat, most of these commanders were executed or imprisoned. They chose to face the music rather than bow to any Uzbek or Tajik commander. However, famed commander Ustad Atta has been motivating the northern Pashtun tribespeople to unite under the flag of Professor Sayyaf. It is said that Atta has now gathered strength with the help of these Pashtuns. Atta has tried to advance, and occupied some parts of Mazar-i-Sharif, clashing with Dostum's forces.
In Herat, the situation is even more complex, being political, ethnic and also influenced by the interests of neigboring countries. The province is governed by legendary commander Ismail Khan, who is Tajik by origin but has a Pashtun mother, and so has strong connections with the local Pashtun tribes. Khan's role during the resistance to the Soviet occupation was extraordinary and his heroism is appreciated throughout Afghanistan.
When the Taliban emerged, Khan's forces surrendered to them and Khan was allowed to live as private citizen. However, he tried to regroup his forces, and the local Taliban leadership arrested him and sought to execute him for being a rebel. Mullah Omar, the Taliban's supreme leader, intervened and told the local court to imprison Khan instead, due to his legendary role during the Soviet occupation. Khan escaped from Taliban custody and took refuge in Iran. Many believe that the Taliban leadership deliberately gave him the opportunity to flee.
When the United States entered the fray, Taliban and Khan forces did not fight each other - instead, an agreement was reached whereby the Taliban pulled out their forces and allowed Khan to take over. It is said that Khan is still in touch with the Taliban. He receives arms, money and supplies from Iran and speaks openly against Karzai's interim government. He also denounces the US presence in Afghanistan. As a result, President Bush has harshly criticized Iran for equipping commanders in Herat and Kandahar against US interests.
The situation in Kandahar is pure political. Forces loyal to Hekmatyar have regrouped and been equipped by Iran, and are ready to take on Karzai layalists.
Karzai's message to the world is that for permanent peace and stability in Afghanistan, it is essential that international forces should be posted in every part of the country and the warlords be disarmed. However, posting US forces in cities like Jalalabad, Khost and Khandahar, and asking traditionally armed tribespeople to give up their weapons, would be to invite serious trouble - and the US knows it. What is more likely is that the US would use forces from Muslim countries like Turkey to pacify these cities, and would begin another round of bombardment in eastern Afghanistan against dissident forces.
Meanwhile, sources say that the Taliban leadership, including Mullah Omar, is shuttling between the provinces of Helmand and Oruzgan, from where corridors are open to every important city in Afghanistan. Everybody knows their whereabouts, but entire tribes, including many represented within the Kabul administration, feel that the arrest of Omar would be a blow to Afghan honor, and are covertly shielding him.
As the flames of infighting spread, the time grows ripe for the Taliban to wage guerrilla warfare against foreign troops in Afghanistan.
(Copyright 2002 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved.
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