Email this article | Print this article | Link to this Article
Waiting for Sharon
February 2, 2001
In just four days now, Retired General and accused
war criminal Ariel Sharon becomes the Prime Minister
of the Jewish State of Israel:
WAITING FOR SHARON
By Graham Usher*
"They believe a Sharon victory will be a boon for their cause.
'He will expose the true face of Israel,' says an activist
in Yasir Arafat's Fatah movement in Nablus, 'and force the
world, including the US, to address its real responsibilities
to the peace process... The difference in the appraisal of a
Sharon victory is not the only rift between the leaders and
the led in Palestinian society."
"The Palestinians could hardly be in worse shape to confront
the 'Sharon era.' And eighteen years after he was forced to
resign from office because of Sabra and Shatila -- and 16 to
20 points ahead in the polls -- Sharon could hardly be in
better shape."
[Ramallah and Gaza]: Among Palestinians in the occupied territories, the prospect
that Ariel Sharon will be Israel's next prime minister is met with a shrug
of the shoulders. The indifference is not from ignorance.
Palestinians know well Sharon's history. They have always been the victims
of it.
Leading the Israeli army's "southern command," Sharon ruthlessly crushed the
Palestinian resistance in what was then the newly occupied Gaza Strip in the
early 1970s. And of course it was Sharon, as Israel's defense minister, who
was held "indirectly responsible" (by an independent Israeli Commission of
Inquiry) for the massacre of
about 2,000 Palestinians at Beirut's Sabra and Shatila refugee camps during
Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon. The commission recommended that Sharon "draw
the appropriate personal conclusions" and resign from his post as defense minister.
Rather, the Palestinians' apathy is explained by the comparison they make between
Sharon and Israel's present prime minister. "By his actions, Ehud Barak has
erased any difference between the two men in the Palestinian perception," says
Palestinian political leader Mustafa Barghouthi. Four months after Sharon-with
Barak's
approval-decided to "demonstrate Jewish sovereignty" over the Islamic holy
sites in occupied East Jerusalem by making a provocative visit to the Haram
al-Sharif, Palestinian losses from Israel's suppression of the "intifada al-Aksa"
are beginning to reach Sabra and Shatila proportions.
According to Barghouthi's Union of Palestinian Medical Relief Committees, Palestinian
casualties from the Israeli army and settlers now stand at nearly 360 killed
and more than 13,000 injured. In addition, according to a UN economist, a military
blockade isolating each Palestinian town and village from the other in the
occupied
territories has caused a 13 percent decline in the Palestinians' GDP and a
50 percent increase in their unemployment and poverty levels.
"The vast majority of Palestinians don't see Sharon or Barak. They see an army,
with Sharon and Barak as its generals," says Barghouthi. Some Palestinians
see more. They believe a Sharon victory will be a boon for their cause. "He
will expose the true face of Israel," says Hussam Khader, an activist in Yasir
Arafat's Fatah movement in Nablus, "and force the world, including the US,
to address its real responsibilities to the peace process."
This is not a vision shared by the Palestinian negotiators. Perhaps they are
aware that the "world" is never so negligent of its "responsibilities" as when
Israel is the culprit, but surely they are concerned that the fall of Barak
and rise of Sharon may spell the end not only of what is left of the negotiating
process but also their
own privileged leadership position within it. This may be why Arafat is warning
that Sharon would be a "disaster" for the peace process and would increase
the risk of regional war.
For most Palestinians -- and a few Israelis -- the recent "intensive talks"
between the two sides at the Egyptian resort of Taba were thus seen not as
a genuine attempt to seal an agreement, but as a charade to woo back to Barak's
fold two Israeli constituencies threatening to abandon him on election day,
February 6. These include some elements of the Jewish left, appalled by his
excessive response to the Palestinian uprising, and the million or so Palestinian
citizens of Israel who remember that it was Barak (and not Sharon) who gave
the order that the police shoot dead thirteen of their kin during October protests
in Galilee.
The difference in the appraisal of a Sharon victory is not the only rift between
the leaders and the led in Palestinian society. Another is over whether to
participate at all in negotiations when Israel is still using lethal force
to put down the uprising and the West Bank and Gaza are still under siege.
For the various Palestinian factions-including Fatah-the subtext of the Taba
negotiations was less "peace" than a joint effort by Israel and the Palestinian
Authority to, if not end the intifada, then at least keep it at an acceptable
level of violence.
The suspicion was acute because all were aware that Taba was conceived at a
meeting in Cairo in early January between Israeli and PA security chiefs, brokered
by the CIA. Since then -- aided by the quiet resumption of cooperation between
the two security forces -- there has been a steep decline in the popular demonstrations
that marked the initial phase of the uprising and a less pronounced fall in
the number of armed Palestinian attacks on soldiers and settlers that characterized
the next. The danger is that as the national struggle has ebbed, a wilder,
more indiscriminate violence has taken its place.
In the last two weeks of January, four Israeli civilians -- as opposed to soldiers
and settlers -- were killed in the occupied territories, apparently for no
other reason than being Israeli in the wrong place at the wrong time. There
has been a revival of Palestinian "collaborator" killings similar to those
that so blighted the last
years of the first intifada. And, most ominous, there has been the return to
Palestinian political assassination as distinct from the Israeli army's "precise"
(and extrajudicial) execution of Palestinian political and military leaders.
On January 17 the head of the Palestinian Authority's Broadcasting Corporation,
Hishem Mekki, was shot by masked gunmen in a Gaza hotel. He was killed for
"practicing sex and stealing money," ran a statement from the Brigades of Al-Aksa,
a vigilante group made up of disaffected members of Fatah and the PA's intelligence
forces. The
hit was popular among local Palestinians, who loathed Mekki -- and others of
his ilk -- for his corruption, arrogance and womanizing. But wiser Palestinian
heads see in his murder a sign that the struggle for liberation from Israeli
rule is being replaced by a struggle for power within the regime.
Given such a scenario, the Palestinians could hardly be in worse shape to confront
the "Sharon era." And eighteen years after he was forced to resign from office
because of Sabra and Shatila -- and 16 to 20 points ahead in the polls -- Sharon
could hardly be in better shape.
Especially as there is no evidence at all to suggest he has changed his ways.
In an interview in early January with a Russian-language radio station in
Israel, Sharon reminisced about the methods he had used in Gaza in the 1970s.
He plowed vast "security roads" through the refugee camps, shot dead any Palestinian
suspected of nationalist activity and conquered the Strip locale by locale.
"I succeeded in bringing quiet to Gaza for ten years," he recalled. Would he
use the same methods today? "Today the situation is different," he said, but
"the principles are the same principles."
* Graham Usher, a Middle East correspondent for The Economist and Middle East
International, is the author of Dispatches From Palestine: The Rise and Fall
of the Oslo Peace Process (Pluto).
|
February 2001
PERES UNMASKS AND JOINS SHARON (February 27, 2001) Was it the Likud Party, or the Labor Party, that authorized more illegal
settlements in the occupied territories since the Gulf War and the Madrid Peace
Conference?
PERES AND COLLEAGUES "SLITHER ON THEIR BELLIES" (February 26, 2001) For those who still needed proof of the cravenness and duplicity of Israel's
Labor Party, the party that spawned "Peace Now" and "Oslo" among other gross
deceptions, it came today.
Defectors say Iraq tested Nuclear Bomb (February 25, 2001) When Iraq was more overtly building nuclear weapons, the Israelis struck
in 1981 destroying the Osirak reactor near Baghdad that could have provided
the crucial processed uranium fuel.
"Go back, we don't want you" (February 24, 2001) General Colin Powell, now combining even more closely than usual the Pentagon
with the State Department, was afraid to go to Gaza; and rightly so.
The Hebron MASSACRE - 7 long years ago (February 24, 2001) Abraham's dysfunctional family has had unbelieveable historical ramifications
for which the focal point today is Hebron, site of Abraham's burial place,
a religious site to both Jews and Muslim alike who are today quite literally
at each other's throats.
Council on foreign relations help legitimize Sharon (February 23, 2001) The Council on Foreign Relations, New York-power elite-based but in recent
years integrating more with the Washington government and corporate elite,
has been for quite some time, to put it bluntly, a rather tricky and chicanery
Israeli-oriented Zionist center when it comes to matters relevant to Israel.
Iraq - The great Cover-Up (February 23, 2001) As terrible as what the Israelis, with their superpower American ally (and
European connivance), are doing to the Palestinians, what has been and is being
done to the Iraqis and the Chechnyans is also truly appauling.
Arab expulsion admitted by Sharon Ally (February 22, 2001) One day maybe Israel -- like South Africa and Chile before it -- will have
some kind of "truth finding" commission to try to purge itself of the past.
Protests in Jordan (February 22, 2001) If it weren't for the Hashemite Regime in today's Jordan, yesterday's Transjordan,
and before that the East Bank of Palestine, the Israelis would never have been
able to vanquish the Palestinian people in days past and would never be able
to do to the remaining Palestinians what is happening today.
Powell and Sharon - Street protests? (February 21, 2001) Clearly, the US is rushing to court
unpopularity across the world, contrary
to expectations that the Bush national
security establishment would conduct
itself with a degree of sophistication.
"This is only the beginning" (February 21, 2001) The crippling is not just physical. Psychologically, culturally, economically,
and even morally, the Palestinian people are being twisted and tortured beyond
all recognition of their former selves.
Gaza Ghetto, Gaza Concentration Camp, Gaza Prison (February 19, 2001) For four months, the Gaza Strip has been effectively isolated from the world.
Over 1 million Palestinians are caged in an area of not more than 365km2.
Locked in an Orwellian eternal war (February 19, 2001) President Bush Jr didn't seem so confident the other day as he told the
world of the newly increased bombing of Iraq. But he made it clear that "until
the world is told otherwise" the Americans are convinced they run the world
and it is up to them to decide whom to bomb, whom to favor, whom to take out,
whom to reward.
Arafat collapsing (February 16, 2001) The Arafat Regime is collapsing. Here are some of the details, twisted
somewhat of course because the reports are from Israel's best newspaper, Ha'aretz,
in view of the fact that Palestinian and Arab news sources are unable and unwilling
to provide such insights.
The realization, "perhaps the dream" (February 16, 2001) Out of the cycle of violence the
gradual, hesitant understanding -
perhaps the dream - will grow, that
the only way is through a struggle
to create a land of Israel/Palestine
that is undivided in both physical
and human terms, pluralistic and open;
a land in which civilized relations,
human touch, intimate coexistence and
a link to a common homeland would be
stronger than militant tribalism and
the separation into national ghettoes.
"Collective suicide" or Zionism united? (February 15, 2001) If there is a national unity government,
it will be evident that the differences
between Labour as the main branch of the
left and the Likud as the main branch of
the right are not that big.
Death and assissination (February 14, 2001) It didn't take long for the Israelis, now Sharon-led, to start creating
the escalating provocations that will then bring about still more Palestinian
rage which will then give the Israelis the excuse they seek to pulverize the
Palestinians still harder, possibly destroying the regime they earlier created,
and possibly leading to another Palestinian "nakbah" (disaster).
Israelis strike, Palestinians without strategy (February 13, 2001) The Israelis have had a long-term strategy for a very long time; and they
have pursued it regardless of what party was in power and who happened to be
Prime Minister of the moment.
Dozens of Palestinians wounded (February 12, 2001) Israeli troops shot dead two Palestinians
in the
West Bank Monday as Israel's rightwing Prime Minister-elect Ariel Sharon sought
to
forge a unity government.
"Holy war" is forever (February 12, 2001) Fifty four years ago when an international commission of that day was hearing
from Jews and Arabs about what the new U.N. should do about Palestine there
was testimony from very credible and very establishment Jewish Zionist sources
opposing creation of a "separatist Jewish State" precisely because it would
bring about an unending conflict with the Palestinian Arab population.
War preparations continue (February 11, 2001) The Arafat Regime, the "Authority", is near collapse -- not just financially,
but credibility wise as well.
The Israeli government is near "unity" -- with General Sharon in charge.
The PA is about to collapse (February 10, 2001) How ironic history can be. After generations of struggle and such suffering
the regime that rules the Palestinians is now in the hands of Ariel Sharon
representing Israel, the U.S. Congress representing the financial levers of
the American Empire, and the European governments which in this situation operate
on the pretense that they are better than either of the above.
Rocking Israel to its Biblical core (February 9, 2001) Well if King David was a nebbish (modern translation might be "nerd"), one
has to wonder how history will record Ariel Sharon, the man with such a past
whom the Jews of Israel have just overwhelming elected their leader.
Sharon maneuvers for starting position (February 9, 2001) It's time for serious political confusion and disinformation now. As the
armies prepare themselves for the clashes likely to come in one form or another,
the politicians maneuver for new starting positions.
Clinton pardoned Mossad spy for Israelis (February 9, 2001) The Israelis adore Bill Clinton, as all the pollsters know. Deep down
even the common everyday Israelis know he was their man in the White House.
The many crimes of Ariel Sharon (February 8, 2001) Some incorrigible optimists have suggested that only a
right-wing extremist of the notoriety of Likud leader
Ariel Sharon will have the credentials to broker any
sort of lasting settlement with the Palestinians.
Sharon wastes no time - Arafat bows (February 7, 2001) We will give him the benefit of the doubt.
If he comes with good ideas that will bring
us closer to the peace process, why not?
The world has seen many such situations before.
Holy war for Jerusalem (February 7, 2001) We're on the way now to a new and expanded struggle, maybe even a religious
war, Jerusalem the focalpoint.
The cold logic of Sharon (February 7, 2001) Many Israelis just stayed home. Others cast a blank vote. But a considerable
minority thrust Ariel Sharon into the greatest electoral landslide in that
country's history -- obviously as well an overwhelming majority of those who
did vote.
Sharon wins and Peres wants in (February 6, 2001) He may be a brutish thug, he may fit the definition of war criminal, he
may be a Jewish racist -- but now he is also the Prime Minister-elect of Israel,
overwhelmingly swept into power in a way few imagined possible just a year
ago.
All sides now committed to escalation (February 6, 2001) Now the real craziness begins. The Palestinians are committed to heating things
up to demonstrate their resolve and their capabilities. The Israelis are committed
to "stopping the violence" which means clamping the boot down on the Palestinians
even more harshly.
The legacy of Ariel Sharon (February 5, 2001) This is a place of filth and blood which will forever
be associated with Ariel Sharon. In Israel today, he
may well be elected prime minister.
BBC casts doubt of Pan AM convictions (February 5, 2001) In advance of whatever the Libyan leader Moammar Gaddafi is going to produce
as "evidence" of innocence today, the BBC has published the following story
quoting the very Scottish law professor who arranged the trial in The Netherlands
casting great doubt about the veracity of the verdict reached:
What's left of Israel's left (February 5, 2001) What's left of Israel's left is in a fractured and demoralized state of
affairs. Not only is Ariel Sharon about to become Israel's Prime Minister,
but in all likelihood he is to be swept into power tomorrow in a landslide
unprecedented in Israel's history.
The Pan Am 103 Verdict (February 3, 2001) The papers are filled with pictures of happy relatives of the victims of
the 1988 bombing of PanAm 103. A Libyan, Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed al Megrahi,
was just found guilty of the bombing by a Scottish court in the Hague, his
co-defendant, Al Amin Khalifa Fhimah, being acquitted... What's wrong is that the evidence against Megrahi is thin to the point of transparency.
Rivers of blood (February 2, 2001) The bloodiness and racism of Sharon's past is fact. And these two articles
help bring that past forward to the present.
Waiting for Sharon (February 2, 2001) They believe a Sharon victory will be a boon for their cause.
'He will expose the true face of Israel,' says an activist
in Yasir Arafat's Fatah movement in Nablus, 'and force the
world, including the US, to address its real responsibilities
to the peace process...
Israeli Arabs boycott Barak, await Sharon (February 1, 2001) As the extreme right-wing revolution in Israel nears, as Ariel Sharon and
friends prepare to take over political power, the "Israeli Arab vote" will
not be enough to save Ehud Barak, and in fact it will not even be mobilized
on his behalf this time, though Yasser Arafat and his friends have surely tried.
|